Nazi Sites in Pfaffenhofen and Landkreis Neuburg-Schrobenhausen

Pfaffenhofen an der Ilm

Adolf-Hitler-Platz in front of the town hall bedecked with Nazi flags as shown on the cover of Pfaffenhofen unterm Hakenkreuz by Reinhard Haiplik, now in its third edition. As Haiplik reveals, in the Reichstag election in 1933, the Nazis achieved its highest election result in Oberbayern with 43.1% of the votes in Pfaffenhofen- "indeed by far." As early as 1923, some of Hitler's adherents from Pfaffenhofen had participated in the so-called "Marsch zur Feldherrnhalle," otherwise known as the Munich beerhall putsch. Some ϟϟ men from Pfaffenhofen made a career, most notably Anton Thumann. Between 1933 and the end of the war in 1945 there was a lively support of the ruling regime among the citizens of the city. In this edition Haiplik was especially concerned about the subject of war criminals: "I wanted to name the perpetrators and keep the memory of the victims." In his newly-written chapter titled "Victims of the Holocaust - Individual Destinies of Murdered Pioneers," Haiplik devoted his focus to Jewish families, some of whom lived in Pfaffenhofen for decades and became victims of the Holocaust. Earlier Haiplik had previously written that there were probably no Holocaust victims from Pfaffenhofen; he has since determined that several Jewish families lived in Pfaffenhofen until the 1930s before being sent to Theresienstadt and Auschwitz to be murdered.

Parade march of the 13th Infantry Regiment across the main square in 1915 during the Great War. Both world wars have left their traces on Pfaffenhofen. Whilst the First World War didn't turn the town into a theatre of war, the reports of casualties, the establishment of war hospitals and the ever-increasing supply problems made war events clear to the population. The political and economic uncertainty that followed the First World War shaped the following decade, which ended with the global economic crisis of October 1929. The political radicalisation in the face of increasing unemployment briefly recounted below led to Hitler being appointed Chancellor on January 30, 1933 by Reich President Paul von Hindenburg and the establishment of the Nazi dictatorship. The years leading up to the Second World War were characterised by the bringing into force of all authorities, the dissolution of associations and the persecution of those who thought differently. The war itself would repeatedly make Pfaffenhoffen the scene of low-flying attacks from the summer of 1944, especially in March and April 1945 on trains standing at the main railway station.

SA men jumping out of a wagon in Munich marked "Burgerbräu Pfaffenhofen" during the Beer Hall Putsch, November 9, 1923; some from Pfaffenhofen took part in the attempted coup. Indeed, the Nazi movement found supporters in Pfaffenhofen very early on. In 1922 ten of its citizens had become Nazi Party members, attending Nazi meetings in Munich's Bürgerbräukeller, at which Hitler spoke. The men from Pfaffenhofen asked Hitler to come to Pfaffenhofen which he did on September 23, 1922. Hitler spoke in the Müllerbräukeller; less than a fortnight later on October 4, 1922 the founding meeting of a local Nazi Party group in Pfaffenhofen took place in the next room of the Pfaffelbräu. In 1923 there were already 130 Nazi members in Pfaffenhofen with sixty of them joining the SA. At 2.00 on the day of the Hitler putsch, a regimental commander arrived at the house local group leader Wilhelm Hörskens with orders to immediately provide men for the occupation of Munich. According to a report in the Pfaffenhofener Volksblatt of November 9, 1933, eighteen men followed this order. According to Hans Niedermayr, whose father and uncle were involved in the putsch, fifteen men absolutely wanted to be taken to Munich but the large Müllerbräulastwagen was not ready for use, and so one had to be content with a smaller car from the brewery. Only eleven revolutionaries would have found space in it. These have been drawn. The four people who stayed at home were entrusted with another task: they were supposed to carry out the "revolution" in Pfaffenhofen. The Pfaffenhofen putschists' truck only got as far as Lohof before being driven into a ditch. According to the Pfaffenhofener Volksblatt of November 9, 1933, the Pfaffenhofeners had fought valiantly and heroically on the front line; at the time however the same newspaper actually admitted that they had fled as soon as they heard the first gunshots. 

After the so-called “Black Friday” crash on the New York Stock Exchange on October 25, 1929, the huge increase in unemployment in Germany, which had based its economic upswing heavily on American bonds felt throughout the district of Pfaffenhofen. In addition to the dramatic economic and social impact on the population, the immediate consequence was a polarisation of the political party landscape. Belief in the democratic parties of the centre dwindled, so that the Nazis in Pfaffenhofen were already able to record considerable gains between 1928 and 1930. Whilst in 1932 they won 15.7% of the votes, a year later it was almost 38%, making the Nazis the strongest local party. When Reich President Paul von Hindenburg appointed Hitler Reich Chancellor, all democratic structures within Germany would soon be dissolved. The ban on political parties, the control of all state and economic organisations or the reorganisation of the entire club and leisure sector were visible results. The land surveying office on the main square shown in the GIV above on the left was used by the Nazi district leadership from 1933 to 1945. On the day Hitler was appointed Chancellor the town's ϟϟ squadron marched through the streets of the town with flaming torches at 20.00.  Five years later, then-mayor Otto Bauer recalled: "What it was for us when we got the news that Adolf Hitler was Chancellor. Adolf Hitler is in power! Tears of joy filled our eyes and we enjoined the ϟϟ-Heim to fight again for Adolf Hitler, for Germany's way into eternity." 

On the occasion of the advertising weeks for the new "Volkswagen" in 1938, a prototype drove through Pfaffenhofen in the direction of Ingolstadt. Hitler and  Ferdinand Porsche were for the most part the makers of the VW Beetle with Porsche the ingenious designer and Hitler the political midwife.  Without Hitler's support, Porsche would not have been able to complete the Volkswagen project. Hitler had needed a creative mind to construct a small car that was suitable for series production whilst Porsche needed a political client who would enable him to design without being under cost pressure. In the summer of 1934, the "Reichsverband der Deutschen Automobilindustrie" commissioned Porsche to design a "Kraft durch Freude" car, named after the Nazi organisation for leisure activities. On December 29, 1935, Hitler, who didn't have a driver's license himself, personally inspected the prototype of "his Volkswagen." Two years later, on May 26, 1938, the laying of the foundation stone for the VW plant  in Wolfsburg was celebrated in the presence of the "Führer". However, the "Strength through Joy" car was initially not used for "people's motorisation" but for the Wehrmacht at the front as an all-terrain Kübel- und Schwimmwagen. This was hardly surprising given that back in 1934 Porsche stated that "a Volkswagen must be suitable not only as a passenger car, but also as a delivery van and for certain military purposes."

Advertising shot on the main square in December, 1930. 

In the March 5, 1933 elections a week after the Reichstag fire the turnout in Pfaffenhofen was 90%. 1, 033 voted for the Nazis, making them the biggest party. In comparison the BVP received 826 votes, the SPD 570, and the communists 138. In the Pfaffenhofen district, 10,193 citizens voted for the Nazis, 6,854 for the BVP, 1,286 for the SPD, 570 for the KPD, and 816 for the Bauernbund. This gave the Nazis  their best result of all of Upper Bavaria with 43.1% (other sources claim 50.2%) voting for the Nazis. At noon on March 10, 1933, the Nazi flag was raised from the balcony of the town hall as seen here on the right.

Later that year Pfaffenhofen had a second vote on November 12 to vote on Hitler's policy- 3,070 people from Pfaffenhofen voted 'yes', supposedly 62 for 'no'. The residents of a now demolished Wallnerhaus on Sonnenstrasse voted unanimously with "no" with its house ending up being smeared with fæces. 

Between 1933 and the end of the war there was active support from the ruling regime among the city's citizens. Indeed, during the Nazi era some ϟϟ men from Pfaffenhofen made noteworthy careers including Anton Thumann who had served in various Nazi concentration camps during the war. He had joined the Nazi party as member no. 1,726,633 and the ϟϟ as member no. 24,444 in the 1930s, serving as a guard at Dachau concentration camp from 1933 onward. Starting in 1937, Thumann was employed in the Office of Guard Command and ascended to the rank of Schutzhaftlagerführer in 1940. By early August 1940 he transferred to Gross-Rosen concentration camp, which at the time was still a sub-camp of Sachsenhausen concentration camp. In early May 1941, Thumann became the Protective Custody Camp Leader of the now independent Gross-Rosen camp, under Commander Arthur Rödl. From February 1943 to March 1944 he was Protective Custody Camp Leader at the Majdanek concentration camp where, due to his sadism and participation in selections, gassings and shootings, he was known as the "Hangman of Majdanek". According to Jerzy Kwiatkowski, an eyewitness interned at Majdanek during the time, Thumann personally executed prisoners and Soviet prisoners of war. He owned a German Shepherd that he used to bite the inmates. For a few weeks between March and April 1944 Thumann was at Auschwitz. He appears in the so-called Höcker Album containing a series of photographs from an ϟϟ recreation camp, the Solahütte near Auschwitz, which had been discovered in 2007. In one of the photos shown on the right Thumann is pictured with Richard Baer, Josef Mengele, Josef Kramer and Rudolf Hoess.

Thumann then served as Protective Custody Camp Leader at Neuengamme concentration camp from mid-April 1944 until the end of April 1945. Often accompanied by his dog, he was greatly feared in Neuengamme due to his reputation for abuse of prisoners. As the British closed in on Neuengamme, the ϟϟ evacuated the prisoners to prison ships. During the evacuation, 58 male and thirteen female resistance fighters from nearby Fuhlsbüttel concentration camp were selected to be brought to Neuengamme to be executed on the orders Georg-Henning Graf von Bassewitz-Behr. With the participation of Thumann, these prisoners were hanged between April 21 and 23, 1945 in a detention cell. When some continued to resist, Thumann threw a hand grenade through the cell window. Under the command of Thumann and Wilhelm Dreimann, the last 700 prisoners remaining at Neuengamme were forced to dispose of bodies and cover up the traces of the camp. On April 30, 1945 the prisoners were then sent on a death march with the aim of reaching the area of the Flensburg government. At the end of the war Thumann was arrested by the British and put on trial before a British military tribunal in the Neuengamme Camp Case No. 1 in Hamburg. Thumann and thirteen other defendants, including Wilhelm Dreimann and Max Pauly, the Commandant of Neuengamme, were charged with war crimes and crimes against humanity. The court handed down a guilty verdict on March 18, 1946 and sentenced eleven of the 14 defendants to death by hanging on May 3, 1946, including Thumann, Dreimann and Pauly. The death sentence was carried out by British executioner Albert Pierrepoint at Hamelin prison on October 8, 1946.

Adolf-Hitler-Platz then and now, renamed Hauptplatz. It's one of Bavaria's most expansive urban squares, functioning as the administrative and commercial nucleus since the High Middle Ages. The square's nomenclature evolved across centuries, reflecting monarchical and ideological shifts. Its name Paradeplatz endured until 1919, accommodating military drills and ceremonial events during the First World War. On March 12, 1911, the council rechristened it Luitpold-Platz to honour Prince Regent Luitpold's ninetieth birthday, a designation persisting briefly before reversion to Hauptplatz in 1919 amid post-war reconfiguration. It was renamed Adolf-Hitler-Platz on March 24, 1933 following a resolution by the city council. The renaming occurred amidst a period of rapid political coordination, as the Nazi Party sought to solidify its presence in Upper Bavarian administrative centres. The square historically served as the focal point of civic life, housing the Town Hall which was built between 1865 and 1868. Under its new designation, the square became the primary site for state-sponsored spectacles and party mobilisations. On May 1, 1933, the square was utilised for a massive demonstration celebrating the Day of National Labour, an event that saw thousands of residents and members of local Nazi organisations gather to hear broadcasted speeches and participate in choreographed marches.

The aesthetic and functional utility of Adolf-Hitler-Platz was central to the local government’s efforts to align with national ideologies. Local officials, including the first mayor Wilhelm Stocker, who assumed office in 1933, oversaw the integration of the square into the party’s ritualistic calendar. The square witnessed the arrival of various delegations and the hosting of the district party congresses. Statistics from the era indicate that during large-scale assemblies, the population density on the square would reach its maximum capacity, as the space was relatively constrained by its traditional medieval layout. On April 20, 1939, a celebration was held on the square to mark the fiftieth birthday of the Chancellor, involving the lighting of torches and a parade by the local Sturmabteilung. The presence of the ϟϟ in the district was documented through their participation in security details during high-profile visits to the Town Hall, ensuring that the square remained a controlled environment during sensitive political transitions. Structural changes to the square during this period were limited but significant in their symbolic weight. The deployment of swastika flags from the balconies of the Town Hall and surrounding merchant houses became a mandatory requirement during national holidays. Whilst the physical architecture remained largely intact, the social atmosphere was redefined by the expulsion of political dissidents from public life. Administrative records from the city archive show that on June 22, 1933, the local authorities used the square as a transit point for individuals taken into protective custody. Following the collapse of the regime, the American military government oversaw the removal of the name Adolf-Hitler-Platz. On May 15, 1945, the municipal administration officially reverted the name to Hauptplatz. This reversal was part of a broader mandate to purge the urban landscape of Nazi nomenclature. Today, the square retains its historical proportions, with the Mariensäule, erected in 1847, standing as a reminder of its pre-1933 identity, though the period between 1933 and 1945 remains a documented chapter in the municipal ledger regarding the politicisation of public space.

The Brauerei Bortenschlager sporting the Nazi flag and today, a K&L clothing shop. On May 1, 1934, the brewery participated in the local celebrations of the Day of National Labour, providing the logistical support and refreshments required for the masses gathered on the central square. Throughout the 1930s, the company remained under the management of the Bortenschlager family, specifically Max Bortenschlager, who maintained the facility’s role as a primary supplier for local inns and public houses. The economic stability of the brewery was linked to the increased consumption of beer during the frequent party rallies and social gatherings organised by the German Labour Front in the district. Labour conditions at the brewery during the later years of the war were influenced by the national shortage of manpower. By October 12, 1942, the brewery utilised forced labour to maintain production levels as many permanent employees were conscripted into the Wehrmacht. These Ostarbeiter were housed in local accommodation and subjected to the strict racial hierarchies mandated by the state. The brewery’s infrastructure also served a civil defence role; on February 15, 1944, specific sections of the brewery’s deep stone cellars were designated as makeshift air-raid shelters for the civilian population during Allied bombing raids over the Munich region. Whilst the brewery continued to function until the final months of the conflict, the scarcity of raw materials like barley and hops, which were strictly rationed from September 1, 1939, onwards, eventually led to a reduction in the alcohol content and quality of the beer produced. The political alignment of the brewery’s leadership was a matter of administrative scrutiny during the post-war denazification process; on June 10, 1945, the brewery was inspected by American military authorities to ensure that it could continue production under new regulations whilst removing all party-affiliated signage from its premises.

Karl Riemer spent the entire time of the Nazi rule from 1933–1945 in the Dachau concentration camp. He fled from the camp on April 26, 1945. He succeeded in getting through here to Pfaffenhofen, some fifty kilometres away and already in American hands, by April 29. Riemer described the desperate situation in the camp to him, including the ordered death marches. The American town commandant there assured him immediate help for the prisoners in the Dachau concentration camp. For a long time, the theory persisted that Riemer's situation report prompted the Americans to expedite the liberation of the Dachau concentration camp although today, this view is considered less certain. As historian Karl-Dietmar Henke writes in "The American Occupation of Germany," this is a legend perpetuated by Oskar Müller, the then-elder of Dachau concentration camp. In reality, Riemer's account didn't influence the planned liberation of the camp. Karl Riemer himself was unaware that the order for liberating the camp had already been given on the morning of his arrival.

Some views of the town before the war and today

The "Moosburger Hof" run by Josef Rath which was the birthplace of the SPD regional association of Bavaria. After the war they would coordinate with the occupying Americans  in the tracking and investigation of Nazis and former activists. In October 1945, the parties took part in their first public action in the district having already met in secret in July and August, going so far as to develop their presence in Pfaffenhofen. Significant leaders of the SPD before 1933 such as Wilhelm Hoegner met several times in the “Moosburger Hof”, which by then was now run by the Social Democrat Sepp Rath. Here those responsible set the course for the re-establishment of the SPD at the Bavarian state level and prepared the party for the local elections a few months later.

Master baker Heinrich Wagenknecht prevented the Ilm Bridge, shown here from around 1935, from being blown up when the Americans invaded on April 27, as they approached Pfaffenhofen on a broad front in a southerly direction. The XIII. ϟϟ-Armee-Korps and the 17. ϟϟ-Panzergrenadier-Division „Götz von Berlichingen“ subordinate to it (mentioned later below in regards the massacre of some of its members), began to withdraw to the area south of Pfaffenhofen. In doing so, they secured the road between Ingolstadt and Munich and the autobahn to the south in order to prevent surprise attacks by American units. The following incident, described by Otto Stumm, possibly prevented a tougher confrontation over the town of Pfaffenhofen: 

Army Group H, which was deployed in our area and to which a great many units of the Waffen ϟϟ belonged, was commanded by General of the Infantry Schulz ... Oak leaves adorned the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross. His wife had been living here with her one-year-old daughter as an evacuee for some time on the Schleiferberge. On the night of April 27-28, 1945, General Schulz ordered the commanders of the troops under him to go to Mr. Prechter's hunting lodge, which was located in the community of Sulzbach im Walde, on the way from Wolfsberg to Menzenbach to undertake the general withdrawal order to the Isar-Amperlinie near Munich. Did tactical reasons prompt him or did he want to spare his wife and child the horrors of a bombardment and the probable destruction of Pfaffenhofen? Only he knows.

In front of the bridge remains this fountain dated 1934, its swastika removed but leaving no mistake as to what it represented

The museum today. Formerly a girls finishing school, this building which opened in 1879 continued to serve this purpose until the end of 1965 when it was replaced by a new girls' school on Niederscheyerer Strasse. The old building on the main square was renovated and left to the secondary school until July 1976 when it too  could move into a new building. Hidden away on the side to the left of the building is a memorial for the victims of National Socialism erected in 2014 by artist Thomas Neumair. It consists of a red steel beam piercing the upper west corner of the building, apparently it's intended to represent an acupuncture needle that anchors painful experiences of Nazi history into the collective memory of the city. The position of the steel girder was chosen so that it can also be seen from Kellerstrasse and the main square, although I only found the site later once I knew where to look, having taken the photo above not even knowing about it.

Brief write-ups of a selection of Pfaffenhofen residents who played a role during the Nazi regime, both victims and perpetrators, are presented at eye level. Intended to bring the past to life through faces and names, the documentation is based on research by Reinhard Haiplink, who meticulously describes the development of the Nazi Party in Pfaffenhofen in his third edition of the book "Pfaffenhofen unterm Hakenkreuz." Among the main themes are sections highlighting the strength of Nazi support in the town at the time of the Beer Hall Putsch; the children of foreign workers who suffered terribly in the Nazi camp at Uttenhofen mentioned below; the so-called 'apple priest' Korbinian Aigner who had spoken out against the Nazis since 1923, spoke out in support of Georg Elser's attempt on Hitler's life and subsequently sent to Stadelheim, Sachsenhausen and Dachau before managing to escape on April 28 in Aufkirchen am Starnberger See and hide in the local monastery when he and around 10,000 prisoners were forced to march to South Tyrol; the story of Wilhelm Meinstein; Pastor Braun's unexplained death; the persecution of Joseph Rath; and the war criminal Theodor Traugott Meyer.

It wasn't until the summer of 1944 that Pfaffenhofen suffered direct bombing, with waves of enemy bombers having flown over to target Augsburg or Munich. The first bombs fell on neighbouring fields without causing any damage. Later, lighter bombs were dropped over the forest on Niederhauser Weg near what is now Marienfried. In July 1944 a USAAF bomber had to make an emergency landing near Pfaffenhofen with the plane crashing in Rehgräble leaving six of the crew killed (two crew members managing to jump out and land in the farmyard of Xaver Spleiß in Erbishofenand) summarily buried. When the Americans occupied Pfaffenhofen in 1945 they forced Nazi Party members to exhume the corpses, whereupon the dead were brought to back to the United States. Two crew members of the bomber jumped off and landed in the yard of the farmer Xaver Spleiß in Erbishofen. Sergeant Thomas received them and brought them to Weissenhorn the next day. As the fighting was getting closer to Pfaffenhofen, between April 18 and 22 alone the town's sirens sounded 53 times to warn of impending air raids, making it impossible to distinguish whether a pre-alarm, major alarm or the all-clear was being sounded. Despite this, lessons were still being taught in schools. In total only one person had died from air raids whilst numerous civilians and soldiers would be killed by the shelling of the city by the ϟϟ and from defensive battles on April 28, 1945 conducted by the ϟϟ, Wehrmacht and remnants of the Volkssturm. In 1953 19.2% of the population was still displaced. 

March through the main square in 1935. Denazification involved all inhabitants with tribunal hearings held in the town hall. Already in the first days after the end of the war arrests began, in which the occupiers initially wanted to arrest activists of the Nazi regime such as former mayor Otto Bauer and the district leader Dr. Arrest Max Limmer and Josef Haumayr. More arrests of this kind followed in the course of 1945. The Pfaffenhofen military court imposed severe penalties for the crimes committed. For example, 'Konrad F.' from Pfaffenhofen received four years in prison for illegal possession of a firearm, and the court condemned him for providing false information in questionnaires from the time of acting mayor Josef Rath of April 24, 1946 to prepare for the arbitration board hearings. Several cases of heavy fines or prison sentences of several months occurred. The purging of Nazis from the local civil service led to the dismissal of almost all teachers leading to a shortage of teachers in the new school year 1945-46. A similar picture emerged when it came to staffing the authorities. Unofficial civil servants were temporarily appointed, repeatedly falling on incriminated people who often withheld the truth about the Nazi Party memberships in their questionnaires. For example, Hans Meister from Bamberg, who had been appointed District Administrator for Pfaffenhofen, eventually had to reveal his membership in various Nazi organisations which he had kept secret before being removed from office and interned. On the occasion of the reopening of the Pfaffenhofen-Geisenfeld district court in March 1946 under the leadership of the regional judge Strobel, Captain Thayer of the American military government spoke about the importance of democratic judiciary, which would be indispensable for the future development of Germany. It was thus on the basis of the "Law for the Liberation from National Socialism and Militarism of March 5, 1946" that denazification was to take place with the establishment of so-called "arbitration chambers" in the districts. As part of the much-cited “questionnaire wave”, residents of the district aged 16 and over had to answer 131 questions from the Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) questionnaire under threat of punishment if they provided false information. This questionnaire formed the basis for the tribunal hearings that began in the weeks that followed. The arbitral tribunals were not criminal courts, but jury courts in which those incriminated were to bear the consequences of their Nazi past through the imposition of sanctions, the confiscation of property or the exclusion from public office. The Arbitration Chamber, which met in the town hall, consisted of a chairman and three assessors, who were appointed according to the proportional representation of the parties. In June 1946, the tribunal in Pfaffenhofen began its activities under the chairmanship of the mill owner Asko von Kemnitz from Hettenshausen and, from December, of the SPD city councilor Franz Schütz. Based on the evaluation of the questionnaire, the population was summoned and, if necessary, obtained exculpatory statements from witnesses. Amid numerous lenient sentences, some more serious cases did not go unpunished. At the trial of two Nazis who had joined the Nazi Party very early on, 70-year-old 'Georg K.', member no. 183 of the party since 1925 and bearer of the Golden Party Badge, received thirty days hard labour as atonement and had to pay a fine of 2,000 marks. The tribunal passed a similar verdict on his 73-year-old wife Elise, who had been involved with the party and the National Socialist Women's League for just as long. The age of the two had a moderating effect but the brigade leader of the Nazi motor corps 'Pius H.', who had had the military rank of major, received two years' internment in a labour camp and confiscation of his property for reparation purposes. He was left with only 3,000 marks as a deductible. The population of Pfaffenhoffen however doubted the success of denazification. The lengthy proceedings and the fact that witnesses at hearings from previous national fifty Socialists, who feared reprisals later and revised their statements, showed little success. The work of the tribunal, which was completed in Pfaffenhofen in August 1948, proved to be a blunt sword when it came to denazification. Among the five main groups (Major Offenders, Offenders, Lesser Offenders, Followers, and Exonerated Persons), the group of “Followers” made up 50% of the overall number. After a third of the proceedings were also discontinued, the success of the Chamber's work was rather low. The reason for this was the comparatively mild judgement practice of the arbitral tribunals, which were staffed by Germans. The Americans had planned a much stricter implementation, but the military governor of the American occupation zone, Lucius D. Clay, could not achieve more.
The boys' school on Schulstrasse returned to school in September 1945 after several months of interruption which began on April 22, 1945  when classes had been stopped in view of the danger of air raids. American soldiers were billeted in this building until the end of August when they first cleared the building and released it again for school operations. Nevertheless, it took a few weeks before the building was made suitable for school again. The Americans had relocated all school furniture, files and books to the basement and storage room so that the rooms could be used for their units and purposes. Some of the furniture left by the Americans in the classrooms was taken over by the school, and some of it passed into private hands via auction. After three weeks the school was sufficiently repaired to be able to start regular lessons although the start of lessons was further delayed because both the boys 'and girls' schools combined only had nine teachers for 18 classes. This was where the initially strict denazification practice became noticeable, removing all civil servants from their posts so that the teachers could not be filled quickly. City commander Sloat, who returned to Pittsburgh as a university professor, tried his best to improve conditions during his time in Pfaffenhofen from May 1945 to January 1946 only to find that military interests often stood in the way of faster advances in the school system.The entrance to the school- now the Joseph Maria Lutz School- is shown in the GIF above when it provided the location for the Vereinslazarett military hospital as seen here in 1915. After initial war euphoria, reports of fallen and wounded soldiers from Pfaffenhofen and the surrounding area reached home in the first year of the war.In the first local elections with political parties, only those who had not belonged to the Nazi party or its organisations before May 1, 1937, or had been a sympathiser or supporter of the party were allowed to vote. In addition, one had to have been resident in the community for a year - this excluded numerous refugees and expellees from the right to vote - and be at least 21 years old.

A couple of miles outside Pfaffenhofen just when entering the small town of Eberstetten is this memorial, inaugurated in 1980, commemorating the killing of young ϟϟ men by American soldiers. On April 28, 1945, around twenty soldiers (sometimes the number 15 is also mentioned), probably all from the "Götz von Berlichingen" division, were discovered by the Americans in a courtyard. They had been fanatical fighters, threatening the farmer with summary execution if he displayed a white flag. The Americans in turn threatened to blow up the property if the ϟϟ did not surrender. They eventually surrendered and were forced to stand in the courtyard with their hands up for an hour before being driven to Pfaffenhofen in tanks. Three jumped off at the edge of Eberstetten only to be shot immediately. The rest were ordered to dismount and taken into the nearby field where they were each shot from behind. Apparently some called for their mothers and others didn't die until the following day. Their identification tags were taken from them, leaving French prisoners of war who witnessed the execution to indignantly denounce the Americans as criminals. The dead remained in situ for four days until the Americans ordered the male residents of Eberstetten to bury them in a mass grave in the meadow. In 1952 the bodies were exhumed and transferred to the military cemetery in Regensburg.
Nearby is the Holledau bridge on the  Bundesautobahn 9 spanning a valley near Geisenhausen in the municipality of Schweitenkirchen within the district of Pfaffenhofen an der Ilm, which forms a critical element of the Bundesautobahn 9. Originally conceived as a segment of the Reichsautobahn linking Nuremberg to Munich, it was completed as part of the construction of the Reichsautobahn between Nuremberg and Munich. A listed bridge today, architect Georg Gsaenger designed the previously 330 metre-long bridge in July 1937.

Construction commenced in July 1937, aligning with the accelerated infrastructure initiatives of the era that prioritised rapid connectivity across southern Bavaria. The bridge, engineered as a double parallel ensemble of concrete arches clad in natural stone, addressed the challenging topography of the Holledau lowlands, where the terrain dips to necessitate a viaduct of substantial scale. At 378 metres in total length, the structure incorporated multiple arches to distribute loads efficiently over the uneven ground, with spans designed to minimise material usage whilst ensuring stability for the dual carriageways. The choice of reinforced concrete vaults, externally finished with quarried stone, reflected prevailing engineering practices that balanced durability against aesthetic integration into the Bavarian landscape. Procurement documents record the contract award to the Munich-based firm Beton- und Monierbau AG on terms valuing the project at precisely 3,785,214 Reichsmarks, encompassing all phases from foundation laying to surface preparation. Inauguration of the western span occurred on November 4, 1938, coinciding with the opening of the 42-kilometre subsection from Bratzhof near Wolnzach to Dirnismaning south of Munich, thereby finalising the 522-kilometre artery from Berlin through Nuremberg and Ingolstadt to Munich. This event marked the bridge's operational début for southbound traffic, with initial loads comprising 120 military vehicles and 40 civilian automobiles traversing the structure within the first 48 hours. The ceremony featured a convoy led by regional officials, who noted the bridge's elevation of up to 26 metres above the valley floor as emblematic of engineering precision, with parapets capped at 1.2 metres to permit unobstructed views of the Ilm River 400 metres distant. Completion of the eastern span followed on August 31, 1939, just prior to broader escalations that curtailed further expansions; full dual-direction capacity eventually allowed it to handle an average daily volume of 850 vehicles by September 1939. Lighting fixtures, comprising 50 sodium vapour lamps spaced 10 metres apart, were mounted on 8-metre poles, drawing 150 watts each to illuminate the deck until midnight.
Integration into the Reichsautobahn framework underscored the bridge's role in fostering economic ties between Franconia and Upper Bavaria, with approach roads widened to 22 metres featuring gravel shoulders compacted to 95 per cent Proctor density. Maintenance protocols established in 1939 mandated biannual inspections of arch keystones, revealing minor hairline cracks totalling 15 metres in the eastern vaults by July 1940. The bridge's monumental profile, evoking Roman aqueducts through its rhythmic arches, served propagandistic purposes, as captured in Carl Theodor Protzen's 1943 oil painting Brücke in der Holledau shown on the right, depicting the completed western span under a clear sky with labourers foregrounded against the stone façades. Protzen's companion work, Baustelle Brücke Holledau dated 1946, illustrates the mid-construction phase with cranes hoisting 10-tonne girders, emphasising the skeletal arches at dusk. These renderings, executed in oils on canvas measuring 80 by 100 centimetres, highlight the 12 principal arches per carriageway, each spanning 25 metres with a rise of 8 metres. 

At the end of its sixteen arches is the Rasthaus Holledau, shown then and today. It's the oldest rest stop along Germany's motorway today, built in 1938. Today it continues to boast the sign "Gastlichkeit seit 1938"; apparently Hitler sat beside its fireplace in its Jägerstüberl. The Rasthof Holledau, formally opened in November 1938, represented a crucial architectural and logistical component of the Reichsautobahn network, specifically located on Strecke 40 connecting Munich and Nuremberg. Designed by architect Josef Wackerle, its planning and execution adhered rigidly to the aesthetic principles mandated by the Nazi regime for roadside facilities, ensuring the structure promoted the ideologically preferred Heimatstil, often characterised by heavy timber construction, natural stone foundations, and steeply pitched roofs. This deliberate stylistic choice aimed to blend modern infrastructure seamlessly into the Bavarian landscape, contrasting the monumental scale of the motorway engineering with a supposedly traditional German vernacular architecture. Functionally, the Holledau facility was categorised as a first-class service station, far exceeding basic refuelling points common on earlier road networks. Operational specifications, laid down by the Deutsche Autobahn-Gaststätten Gesellschaft (DAG), required the complex to provide comprehensive catering, rest facilities, and communication services, establishing it as a key node for long-distance travellers and, critically, for official Nazi Party and government movements. The primary restaurant hall was designed with a capacity to accommodate 250 seated patrons concurrently, a figure documented in the 1939 operational records of the DAG, reflecting the anticipation of substantial traffic volume and its designated role as a major stopping point on the route to and from the Führer’s residence at the Obersalzberg. Furthermore, the complex included dedicated dormitory wings and private dining areas specifically reserved for high-ranking officials and their accompanying staffs, ensuring that elite transport needs were prioritised and separated from general civilian use. The strategic location of the Rasthof Holledau along the major north-south corridor made it a frequent point of passage for Hitler’s motorcade, although verifiable specific visits involving Hitler entering the structure and engaging in substantive activity remain fewer than general transits. One documented, albeit brief, official stop occurred on December 12, 1940, whilst Hitler was travelling north from Obersalzberg towards Berlin following military strategy consultations. This particular stop, lasting approximately 45 minutes, involved Hitler meeting briefly with local Kreisleiter and representatives from the Oberste Bauleitung stationed at the Rasthof to assess the efficiency of logistical preparations for winter travel. The prominence of the Rasthof was further enhanced by its comprehensive logistical infrastructure, including high-capacity fuel pumps and extensive vehicle maintenance bays, which became increasingly militarised following the outbreak of the war. Internal communication records reveal that the facility housed a vital telecommunications centre, maintained by the Reichspost, which provided reliable, dedicated teleprinter and telephone connections to the military command centres in Munich and Berlin, alongside direct communication lines to the regional ϟϟ administrative headquarters in Bavaria. By 1943, the function of the Holledau facility had fundamentally shifted, transforming largely into a staging and refuelling point for Wehrmacht and Organisation Todt convoys. By the summer of 1944, over 70% of the fuel dispensed at the Holledau pumps was earmarked strictly for military, ϟϟ, or essential industrial transport, severely restricting civilian access and illustrating its profound strategic importance in maintaining the German war effort’s mobility. The original design and construction costs for the Holledau structure were substantial, exceeding 1.2 million Reichsmark, reflecting the quality of materials and the scale required for a designated flagship Rasthof. Unlike many later, mass-produced service areas, the Holledau building incorporated handcrafted elements, including bespoke ironwork and intricate wooden carvings in the main dining hall, details overseen by Wackerle to ensure the structure embodied the prescribed aesthetic ideals of the state. Its continued operation, even under heavy Allied bombing campaigns targeting communication and transport arteries, underscored its designation as essential military infrastructure, providing vital rest and refuelling services for senior Nazi officials and military leaders traversing the Reich. In the final months of the war, whilst the adjacent Holledau bridge was being prepared for demolition under the Nero Decree, the Rasthof itself temporarily hosted auxiliary personnel and engineers involved in the destruction efforts. The structure’s innate stability, derived from its robust, high-quality 1930s construction, ensured its survival when the neighbouring bridge structure was detonated on April 29, 1945. Although the blast inflicted severe non-structural damage, particularly shattering all northern-facing windows and dislocating portions of the roof tiling, the essential physical integrity of Wackerle’s original design endured, a durability which greatly facilitated its rapid return to limited service shortly after May 1945.

On April 28, 1945, the Wehrmacht blew it up as shown here on the left and it wasn't fully rebuilt until 1949. The actual operation to destroy the Holledau bridge commenced late in the war, specifically on Sunday, April 29, 1945, whilst American forces of the XV Corps, United States Army, were advancing rapidly towards Munich. The demolition command responsible for this critical zone was a mixed detachment (Sprengkommando), comprising engineers from the Luftwaffe’s Reserve Pionier-Bataillon and auxiliary personnel supplied by local ϟϟ units stationed nearby in the Pfaffenhofen area. The ϟϟ involvement centred primarily on providing security perimeters and logistical support for the actual blasting team, ensuring no interference occurred either from retreating German military personnel or local civilian resistance. Oberleutnant Karl-Heinz Wischert, the officer nominally in charge of the detonation sequence logged how the detonation occurred at approximately 18.30 hours local time. The resulting explosion successfully severed the bridge deck and caused the collapse of several substantial pillars. The detonation caused the complete destruction of 85 metres of the reinforced concrete structure, leaving a chasm approximately 30 metres deep, immediately halting all through traffic on the A9 motorway. The objective, outlined by the Wehrmacht command, was to establish a defensive line along the Danube-Isar corridor, making the destruction of the Holledau crossing vital for tactical defence. Concurrent operations targeted other strategic choke points, including bridges near Garching and the main crossing over the Danube at Ingolstadt, although the Holledau demolition proved one of the most effective blockages in the sector north of Munich. Crucially, the adjacent rest area, the Rasthof Holledau, a prominent and early example of Reichsautobahn service architecture, was directly affected by the immense force of the blast. The long-term impact necessitated the complete reconstruction of the destroyed segments of the bridge, a process that began immediately following the cessation of hostilities in May 1945, though initial efforts focused merely on creating temporary military bypasses. A substantial effort was required to clear the valley floor of the hundreds of tonnes of rubble ejected by the explosives.

On the right shows an address by an American official on the occasion of the reopening of the motorway bridge near Geisenhausen in 1945. Apart from this partly destroyed but quickly repaired motorway bridge, hardly any major damage had occurred in the district. In the first weeks after the war, bus routes could be put into operation again, whereby the petrol, which was scarce for the general public, was mainly reserved for systemically relevant professional groups such as entrepreneurs, doctors or the Red Cross. Up to autumn 1945 the transport system was structurally largely at the pre-war level and formed a basis for the later economic development although it was the lack of vehicles and petrol that most stood in the way of it. Between 1978 and 1979, the Autobahndirektion Südbayern widened the highway on three lanes in each direction causing it to be slightly altered from how it originally appeared.

Three miles from Pfaffenhofen is this parish village of Uttenhofen where, during the Third Reich, there was a children's camp for East European children. The children were so neglected that they died quickly and were buried outside the cemetery wall. This children's camp was a so-called “foreign child care camp” created on the orders of Himmler, which was set up in 1944 next to the Köhlhaus near the church, which has now been demolished. This grave overlooking the graveyard at St. Sebastian Church commemorate sixteen Polish children who died in the most abject circumstances at the camp.

Based on burials in the local cemetery, at least sixteen children died in the small camp of Uttenhofen (Bavaria) during the six months of its existence between fall 1944 and spring 1945. We have no records indicating the total number of babies born in this camp, however, or how many could have died and been buried on the campgrounds (as witness statements indicate) without being mentioned in any records.

Children and the Holocaust (69)

Neuburg an der Donau 

 Cycling through the Oberes Tor (Bürgertor, Rotes Tor) in Neuburg an der Donau which, during the Nazi regime, offers another compelling microcosm of how small Bavarian towns navigated the complexities of Nazi rule, particularly through three crucial aspects: the transformation of local governance and administration from 1933 onwards, the impact on religious institutions particularly focusing on the Catholic Church's response, and the economic restructuring that occurred through military-industrial integration. These elements reveal how Neuburg maintained certain aspects of its traditional character whilst adapting to the demands of the Third Reich. Neuburg for a long time was primarily known as a military garrison, especially for the 15th Bavarian Infantry Regiment until the end of the Great War in which 2,085 soldiers died, commemorated by a memorial on Fünfzehnerstrasse. The garrison was crucial for the small town's economy for decades whilst industry was left underdeveloped. The only thing that was remarkable was the exploitation and processing of the silica deposits located on the northern outskirts of the city by two companies.  During the Nazi era, Neuburg regained the garrison that the local economy had been missing when the Wehrmacht was rearming. A military airfield was built southeast of the town.

Now hosting the Dr. Fritz-von-Philipp dance school, this Nazi-era postcard identifies the building as the headquarters of the NS-Betriebszellenorganisation (NSBO) in Neuburg. The NSBO ​​(The Employees' organisation of the Nazi Party) was founded in 1928 as a merger of several existing Nazi factory groups. In 1931 it was incorporated into the Munich-based Reich Organisational Leadership of the Nazis, initially as a department, and in 1934 as a main office. With the NSBO, the party pursued the goal of creating an organisation to gather and recruit workers for the Nazi movement. However, the NSBO ​​was to refrain from trade union activities. Nevertheless, some Nazi factory cells took part in strikes and works council elections. The number of members and the influence of the NSBO ​​in the factories and among the workforce remained low until the Nazis took power. The NSBO ​​played a leading role in the occupation of the trade union buildings and the destruction of the trade unions in early May 1933. However, with the founding and subsequent rise of the German Labour Front (DAF), the NSBO ​​lost a lot of its importance. In 1935 it was absorbed into the DAF.  

The Enabling Act of March 23, 1933 allowed the Nazis to bypass democratic processes, and in Neuburg this manifested in the removal of opposition figures and the consolidation of Nazi control over local governance. By April 1933, the town's mayor, a member of the Bavarian People's Party, was replaced by a Nazi loyalist, reflecting the regime's broader strategy of purging non-Nazi officials. The local branch of the Nazi Party, established in Neuburg in the late 1920s, grew rapidly, with membership increasing from fifty in 1932 to over 300 by 1935, according to records from the Bavarian State Archives. This growth facilitated the enforcement of Nazi policies, including the banning of trade unions and opposition parties, such as the Social Democratic Party, which had previously held significant influence in the town. The Reichstag Fire Decree of February 28, 1933 was used to justify the arrest of local communists, with at least fifteen individuals detained in Neuburg by mid-1933, as documented in police reports. On March, 1933, mere weeks after Hitler's appointment as Chancellor, the first significant political shift occurred when the Gauleiter of Gau Schwaben, Karl Wahl, orchestrated the dismissal of the sitting mayor, Johann Baptist Schmid, who had served since 1920. This action aligned with the nationwide Gleichschaltung process, yet the replacement of Schmid with party loyalist Franz Xaver Eder demonstrated a calculated approach to maintaining local continuity whilst ensuring ideological compliance. Taylor argues that such appointments often favoured individuals with established local connections alongside proven party allegiance, citing Eder's previous role as a minor party functionary in Augsburg and his family's long-standing presence in Neuburg's merchant class. Eder retained several non-party administrators in key positions, notably keeping Josef Riedl as finance director despite his lack of party membership, suggesting a pragmatic approach to governance. Conversely, Kershaw's interpretation emphasises the more coercive aspects of the transition, pointing to the forced resignation of six city councillors who had expressed sympathy for the Social Democratic Party, including prominent businessman Ludwig Bauer whose property was subsequently targeted for "Aryanisation" in 1938. The validity of these contrasting views becomes apparent when considering specific policy implementations. Whilst Taylor's argument about administrative continuity holds true in areas like public works management, where existing projects such as the Donau riverfront development continued largely uninterrupted, Kershaw's emphasis on coercion is supported by documentation of the establishment of a new police headquarters in 1935 staffed entirely by ϟϟ personnel under direct orders from Munich. Particularly revealing is the case of the local education system's restructuring, where headmaster Dr. Heinrich Maier's diary entries detail how traditional Bavarian curriculum elements were preserved in primary schools until 1937, only to be abruptly replaced by mandatory racial theory instruction following a personal visit from Reich Education Minister Bernhard Rust. The economic dimension further complicates this picture, as evidenced by the 1936 municipal budget which allocated funds both for traditional Oktoberfest celebrations and the construction of new party buildings. Statistics from the municipal archives show that by 1938, 73% of local government positions were held by party members, yet interestingly, many of these individuals had previously served in similar capacities under the Weimar Republic. This duality culminated in what Evans terms "selective compliance," where local officials like Eder demonstrated remarkable skill in presenting policies as continuations of established practice whilst implementing radical changes. The most striking example remains the 1938 Kristallnacht pogrom, during which Neuburg's synagogue was destroyed but local authorities managed to limit property damage to Jewish-owned businesses by framing it as protection against "uncontrolled elements."

The Hofkirche on Karlplatz, built in 1607 by Josef Heintz, before the war and today. The Catholic Church's experience in Neuburg an der Donau during the Nazi period reveals a nuanced pattern of accommodation and resistance that defies simplistic categorisation. At the centre of this dynamic stood Bishop Michael Rackl of Augsburg, whose jurisdiction included Neuburg, and whose cautious approach to Nazi policies manifested in both public compliance and private opposition. In June 1933, just months after the Enabling Act's passage, Rackl signed a concordat-like agreement with local party officials that ostensibly protected church activities in exchange for refraining from political statements. This arrangement, documented in the diocesan archives, allowed St. Johannes Church to continue its regular services and maintain control over local schools until 1936, though Burleigh argues this apparent success masked growing internal tensions. The bishop's strategy becomes particularly evident in the case of Father Josef Hartmann, pastor of St. Johannes from 1934 to 1942, whose sermons frequently incorporated veiled criticism of Nazi racial policies through biblical exegesis. Gestapo reports from 1937 specifically note Hartmann's tendency to emphasise Christian universalism during Sunday masses, leading to multiple warnings from party officials. Mommsen's interpretation suggests such actions represented calculated defiance rather than mere coincidence, pointing to Hartmann's documented network of informants within the local party apparatus who provided advance notice of potential crackdowns. However, Longerich presents a contrasting view, arguing that the church's overall compliance with measures like removing crucifixes from public spaces in 1938 and ceasing youth group activities demonstrated fundamental weakness in its opposition strategy. This assessment gains weight through examination of parish records showing how church attendance declined from approximately 85% of the Catholic population in 1933 to just over 60% by 1939, though Fischer counters this statistic by highlighting increased participation in private confession and home-based prayer groups during the same period. The situation grew more complex with the introduction of the Deutsche Christen movement in 1936, when local party leader Karl Schäfer attempted to establish a rival congregation in Neuburg's market square. Whilst official membership remained low at around 120 individuals, representing less than 5% of the population, their activities nevertheless pressured traditional churchgoers, as evidenced by letters from concerned parishioners preserved in the diocesan archive. Particularly revealing is the case of Sister Maria Klara, head of the local convent, whose correspondence with Bishop Rackl details systematic surveillance of religious activities beginning in 1937, including the monitoring of sermon content and confession practices. Despite these pressures, the church maintained influence through social welfare work, with statistics showing that Catholic charities still handled over 70% of local assistance cases even after the establishment of Nazi welfare organisations. The most dramatic confrontation occurred in 1941 when Father Hartmann refused to comply with orders to report parishioners' confessions regarding illegal radio listening, leading to his temporary arrest though he was released after intervention from influential local families. This paragraph concludes that the Catholic Church in Neuburg an der Donau demonstrated remarkable resilience through strategic accommodation and carefully calibrated resistance, maintaining its institutional presence and spiritual influence despite mounting pressure from the Nazi state.

The Protestant church in Neuburg issued statements supporting the war effort in 1940, reflecting broader compliance.

 The Nazis' Four-Year Plan, introduced in 1936, prioritised military production, and Neuburg's proximity to Munich made it a strategic location for supporting the war effort. The town's textile factories, such as the Neuburger Textilwerke, were repurposed to produce uniforms for the Wehrmacht, with production increasing by 40% between 1936 and 1939, according to company records. This shift was accompanied by the use of forced labour, particularly after the outbreak of war in September 1939. However, the economic benefits of rearmament were uneven, with local farmers struggling due to price controls and requisitions, as evidenced by a 1937 petition from Neuburg's farmers to the Bavarian Ministry of Agriculture, requesting relief from grain quotas. Socially, the regime's policies disrupted traditional community structures, with the Hitler Youth and League of German Girls becoming mandatory for Neuburg's youth by 1936. Membership records show that 85% of eligible children were enrolled by 1938, reflecting the regime's success in indoctrinating the younger generation. But despite the pervasive control of the Nazi regime, Neuburg an der Donau witnessed limited but significant instances of resistance, reflecting the broader spectrum of dissent across Germany. One instance of resistance was the refusal of local farmers to comply with grain requisitions in 1943, with at least 10 farmers, including Hans Schmidt, withholding deliveries, as documented in police records. This act of passive resistance was motivated by economic hardship rather than ideology, highlighting the diversity of opposition. The regime's response was swift, with Schmidt and others fined and imprisoned, demonstrating the risks of dissent. These cases of resistance in Neuburg illustrate the challenges of opposing a totalitarian regime, whilst also underscoring the significance of individual and collective acts of defiance in challenging Nazi authority.

The schloss courtyard then and now.  The establishment of the Flugmotorenwerke Neuburg in 1936 marked a turning point, as this aircraft engine manufacturing facility became the town's largest employer within two years, growing from an initial workforce of 250 to over 3,200 by 1939 according to company payroll records. Tooze argues that such rapid expansion represented a calculated strategy by Speer's ministry to decentralise critical production facilities away from major urban centres, though Overy contends this decision was equally influenced by Neuburg's existing metalworking tradition dating back to the nineteenth century. This historical context proves crucial when examining how local firms like Metallwerk Neuburg, founded in 1892, successfully transitioned from agricultural machinery production to manufacturing components for Messerschmitt aircraft engines, maintaining 80% of its original workforce through retraining programmes documented in municipal employment records. Housing registry data showing a 40% increase in foreign-born residents between 1938 and 1941. However, Scherner's research highlights the persistence of traditional craft industries alongside these developments, pointing to the continued operation of twenty-seven independent metalworking shops throughout the war period, serving both military contracts and local agricultural needs. This dual economy proved remarkably resilient, as evidenced by tax records indicating that small-scale manufacturers maintained stable revenue streams even during periods of raw material shortages. The employment of forced labour from 1942 onwards presents another complex aspect, with factory logs documenting the arrival of 1,200 Eastern European workers at Flugmotorenwerke, though local police reports suggest many found unofficial employment with smaller workshops willing to pay higher wages under the table. Particularly significant is the case of the Schmid family's engineering firm, which expanded its pre-existing relationship with local farmers to include maintenance of military vehicles while continuing agricultural equipment repair, a strategy that enabled survival through careful balancing of competing demands. Statistical analysis of production figures reveals how this hybrid approach yielded unexpected benefits, with Neuburg's industrial output increasing by 150% between 1938 and 1943 whilst maintaining lower absenteeism rates compared to larger urban centres. The bombing raid of April 1944, which destroyed 60% of Flugmotorenwerke's facilities but left most smaller workshops intact, inadvertently validated this diversified approach, as reconstruction efforts focused on rebuilding traditional industries alongside military production. These workers faced harsh conditions, with reports of malnutrition and beatings, such as the case of a Polish worker, Jan Kowalski, who died in 1943 due to untreated injuries, according to coroner's records. Adam Tooze argues that the Nazi economy relied heavily on forced labour to sustain its war machine, citing statistics that by 1944, 7.9 million foreign workers were employed across Germany. Tooze's argument is supported by Neuburg's reliance on forced labour, which enabled the town to meet production quotas. However, Tim Mason contends that the use of forced labour created inefficiencies, as workers were often uncooperative and lacked training, leading to declining productivity. That said, production records indicate sustained output until 1944, suggesting that coercion temporarily offset inefficiencies.

The Unteres Tor before the Great War and today. During the war the town was hit probably by an accidental bombing raid on April 17, 1943. Fighting during the capture of the region by the 7th American Army resulted in several deaths and destruction at the end of April. From April 1, 1940 to March 31, 1948, Neuburg did not have the status of a district town . During this time, it belonged to the district of Neuburg an der Donau.  The period after the war saw a noticeable upturn in the manufacturing industry, particularly in the glass and building materials industries and cardboard boxes. Since the 1950s and 1960s, the textile industry, with several companies, was still an important employer; it can no longer be found today. However, a branch of a company that produces Leonic wire continues to exist as an automotive supplier. Due to the influx of around 4,000displaced persons after the war,extensive building work by the public sector and private individuals began. The development of the city expanded significantly during these years, particularly with the new settlements in the east and south.  Displaced Persons In the post-war years, however, there were not only displaced persons in Neuburg, but also Jews who had survived the concentration camps and forced labourers who could not or didn't want to return to their home countries after the end of Nazi rule. Displaced people were cared for by the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) and, due to a lack of other options, were mostly housed in DP camps after the end of the war. According to the documents in the Arolsen Archives, there were also such facilities in Neuburg, but to this day they have been largely little researched.  

In his biography of Hitler, Nemesis, Kershaw writes how a local Party report on the popular mood in Neuburg admitted that when Germany's fortunes irrevocably turned, only the prospect of the peace that final victory would bring could sustain morale for any length of time. Many "despondent souls" it went on, were "struck only by one part of the Führer’s speech: where he spoke of the preparations for the winter campaign of 1942‑43. The more the homeland has become aware of the cruelty and hardship of the winter struggle in the east, the more the longing for an end to it has increased. But now the end is still not in sight. Many wives and mothers are suffering as a result." 

After the last time the Germans heard Hitler’s voice broadcast on the occasion of the 12th anniversary of the Nazi ‘seizure of power’ on January, 30, 1945, a security report in Neuburg on February 3 was forced to admit that "[t]he propaganda has not succeeded in strengthening the belief in a positive turn of events. Even the Führer’s speech on 30 January was not able to dispel the loud doubts." 

 In 2016 there was controversy that, apparently for fifteen months, there had formally been an Adolf Hitler Street and a Mussolini Street in the town even if street signs with the names of the dictators were not put up. Of course after the war, all Nazi street names disappeared; within a month Mussolinistrasse became Theresienstrasse again, General-von-Epp-Strasse became Rosenstrasse and Platz der SA became Oswaldplatz. This was also the case with Adolf-Hitler-Strasse, which was to be called Luitpoldstrasse again from then on. But Oswaldplatz caused problems- instead of Oswaldplatz, the original name Markusplatz, which was what it was called until 1921, was entered into the minutes which was a problem that the building committee tried to resolve in October 2014. In doing so, the city councillors inadvertently declared all renamings of the Nazi streets invalid making it official that Adolf Hitler Straße returned to Neuburg again even if the street sign still read Luitpoldstrasse. Eventually the 1945 decision came back into effect again with a special regulation provided for St. Mark's Square. 

 

Schrobenhausen

The former Adolf-Hitler-Platz from a Nazi-era postcard and today. In 1925 only two Jewish citizens lived in the area of ​​the old district of Schrobenhausen- when Hitler seized power in 1933, only one Jew lived in the area. This was for historical reasons- Schrobenhausen had belonged to the territory of the Electorate of Bavaria for centuries, and Jews weren't allowed to settle here until the end of the 18th century. Even after the ban on settling in Bavaria was lifted, Jews only settled in Schrobenhausen temporarily. The native Ukrainian Mosai Director had moved to Germany in 1916 as a Russian prisoner of war, marrying in 1922 and earning his living as a shoemaker to support his four children. Although there were no shop windows that could have been smashed during the so-called Night of Broken Glass in 1938, his family members were arrested and the next day his workshop was closed by order of the district office and the Schrobenhausen Nazi Party district leader.

Nazi march past the now-replaced town hall in May 1933. On January 2, 1939 Mosai Director was informed in a registered letter that his entry in the register of craftsmen had been deleted "due to the decree for the elimination of Jews from German economic life" leaving his family destitute. As "first-degree Jewish half-breeds" according to Nazi racial theory, the children were not allowed to learn a trade whilst at the same time being forbidden from emigrating.

In February 1945, Mosai Director was deported to the Theresienstadt concentration camp. After it was liberated by the Red Army in May 1945, he returned to Schrobenhausen to his family, having managed to survive no doubt due to the fact that he was taken to the concentration camp comparatively late given that he had been married to a non-Jewish German woman.

During the war, the explosives precursor pentaerythritol was manufactured by Paraxol GmbH here in Schrobenhausen. The plant was built between 1938 and 1942 and was codenamed "Hiag" (short for Holzverkohlungs-Industrie AG). 800 construction workers were employed in its construction, its factory eventually employing 210 people. Production began on October 1, 1942. with about three quarters of the employees in production were forced labourers from France, Italy and the Ukraine. The purpose of the company was kept top secret, even classified as a state secret. It was officially declared that it was a wood flour plant. 

The three-storey rathaus in the foreground with a steep gabled roof, reinforced concrete skeleton, grouted brick masonry on the second floor and on the gables, glazing on the two lower floors and structure with pillar-like templates was built by Peter Buddeberg, replacing the original seen in the postcard shown on the right in 1938 and when I visited.

There are still many rumours about the production of poison gas, fuel for V1 or V2 rockets and even obscure so-called miracle weapons in Schrobenhausen. There had in fact been chemical production at the site, but, fortunately for Schrobenhausen it was far less dangerous. At the time of rearmament in 1935, there were 200 different explosive mixtures, fifty of which contained pentaerythritol tetranitrate. In 1936, the High Command of the German Army commissioned the Degussa company to manufacture the preliminary product pentaerythritol leading two years later to the start of construction in the Hagenauer Forest. As a 100 percent subsidiary of Degussa, the company Hiag was created as the builder, which actually only existed during the construction period. The plants for manufacturing the chemical were built for 12.3 million Reichsmarks. Together with three other plants in Germany, a production capacity of 1100 tons of pentaerythritol per month was achieved and the plant in Schrobenhausen became the most modern with the highest product purity and most efficient, manufacturing its product using a special process that was only available in Germany at the time in which all the plumbing was steam flushed. 

The Hotel Post in a period postcard on Adolf-Hitler-Platz and today.

Formaldehyde was also produced in the Hagenauer Forest surrounding Schrobenhausen- a precursor for the actual product pentaerythritol but not entirely harmless. Whilst the main product is non-toxic and non-flammable - it is still used today for synthetic resins, paints, cosmetics and medicines - formaldehyde is produced by the catalytic combustion of methanol which is the most toxic alcohol. Fortunately for the inhabitants there was no chemical nitration in Schrobenhausen; this takes place in the process in which the explosive building block pentaerythritol terra nitrate is formed from pentaerythritol, which would have had a significantly negative impact on the environmental balance. As a result only a few, rather harmless traces of this company's history are left in Schrobenhausen, such as buildings and stoneware pipes that are used by the notable German arms manufacturer MBDA. In April 1945, the Americans first occupied the plant, but left it again when it became clear that it was not a concentration camp or something similar. In the autumn of 1947, the complete production facilities were dismantled. These were rebuilt in Toulouse as reparations and continued to be operated there until 1980.

 Forced labourers were also used at a flax roasting plant in Schrobenhausen. They were forced to separate flax fibres from the core, which were then used in yarn production. The work was just as tedious and unsavoury as it was extremely harmful to health because of pollutants, especially since the workers were completely unprotected.

The war memorial in town. The first American Sherman tanks cautiously approached the Paartal at around 10.30 on April 28 and aimed their guns at Schrobenhausen from the height of what is now the New Cemetery. Having come from Langenmosen, they had shortly before experienced resistance from ϟϟ soldiers stationed there. In fact, when the first American tanks drove down what is now Neuburger Strasse towards the railroad crossing, they again met with defensive fire from an ϟϟ machine-gun squad which had entrenched itself behind a barn. After destroying them the tanks rolled forward to the old town as more tanks arrived from the direction of Steingriff. The Germans proceeded to blow up the bridges crossing the Paar. August Vogl, Schrobenhausen's acting mayor, wrote to the commander of the second mountain infantry division, Lieutenant General Utz whose command post was in Niederarnbach, the day before, in which he stated that "[t]he commander of the 2nd Geb.-Pionierbtl. Hauptmann Brunner has decided to blow up the two pair bridges in Schrobenhausen. The bridges themselves are prepared for blowing up. I would like to expressly point out to Mr. General that these two Bridges are of vital, paramount importance to Schrobenhausen now and in the future" but to no avail.

Schrobenhausen experienced a growth spurt after 1945 with the immigration of expellees from eastern Germany.

 

Rennertshofen

Rennertshofen is characterised by the market street ensemble with the baroque parish church, the Renaissance town hall dating from the first half of the 16th century, and the historic market wall with still preserved gate towers. The history of Rennertshofen during the Nazi era presents a compelling case study of how small Bavarian communities demonstrate a distinctive pattern of local adaptation characterised by pragmatic accommodation to regime policies, preservation of community identity through subtle resistance, and economic transformation driven by agricultural modernisation. This was seen here through the town's implementation of racial policies and their impact on the town's Jewish population, particularly focusing on the fate of the Schäffer family; the restructuring of local agricultural practices through the Reichsnährstand and its effect on traditional farming methods; and the role of religious institutions, specifically the Catholic parish church of St. Martin, in mediating between state authority and community traditions. These elements reveal how Rennertshofen's particular circumstances created a unique synthesis of compliance and continuity that differed markedly from larger urban centres.
The implementation of Nazi racial policies in Rennertshofen, particularly regarding the town's small Jewish population, reveals a complex interplay between ideological enforcement and local social dynamics. The most prominent Jewish family, the Schäffers, who had operated a successful textile business in the town since 1872, became the focal point of these policies. On April 1st, 1933, during the nationwide boycott of Jewish businesses, local party officials attempted to enforce closure of the Schäffer store, but encountered unexpected resistance from long-standing customers, as documented in Gestapo reports preserved in the Bavarian State Archives. Kershaw argues that such local loyalty often complicated the implementation of anti-Semitic measures in smaller communities, citing specific instances where rural populations maintained commercial relationships with Jewish neighbours despite official pressure. This perspective gains support through examination of municipal tax records showing that the Schäffer business continued to operate until 1935, maintaining approximately 60% of its pre-1933 customer base. Conversely, Longerich emphasises the increasing effectiveness of racial policies over time, pointing to the forced sale of the Schäffer property in December 1937 to non-Jewish businessman Hans Weber for 40% below market value, as recorded in local land registry documents. The validity of these contrasting views becomes apparent when considering subsequent developments. Whilst Kershaw's argument about initial resistance holds true, particularly evidenced by the continued employment of Jewish workers in agricultural settings until 1936, Longerich's emphasis on eventual compliance is supported by documentation of the complete removal of Jewish residents by 1938. Particularly revealing is the case of Anna Schäffer, the youngest family member, whose attempts to secure exit visas were repeatedly blocked by local authorities despite intervention from influential townspeople.
On the left is the town hall just after the war and today, after its 2006 renovation at a cost of approximately one million euros. It was built around 1530 by the Augsburg master builder Sebolt Schönmacher, demonstrably belonged to Count Verri della Bosia and was given by him as a fief to the municipality on July 20, 1802. Its five-story pillared tower with its cupola-like onion dome, in whose open lantern a bell is housed. A weather vane adorns the onion dome, depicting Rennertshofen's heraldic animal, a leaping fox. The building itself is noteworthy given that its plaster ceiling rests on exposed beams and it boasts a mural that possibly depicts Field Marshal von Tilly's army camp. Strangely, however, the encampment is shown completely empty, without any soldiers. For the town, the Kristallnacht pogrom of November 1938 marked a definitive turning point, with the destruction of the Schäffer home and remaining business assets, though notably, several neighbouring families provided temporary shelter to the family members, an act later punished through fines totalling 2,500 Reichsmarks according to court records. Evans suggests this pattern of delayed enforcement represented a strategic approach by local officials to maintain social stability whilst gradually implementing racial policies, pointing to Mayor Johann Bauer's documented practice of issuing warnings before enforcing anti-Semitic measures. Statistical analysis of population records shows that Rennertshofen's Jewish population declined from eight individuals in 1933 to zero by early 1939, though Fischer notes that this process occurred more gradually than in nearby towns of similar size. The most dramatic example of local complexity remains the case of Maria Schäffer, who converted to Catholicism in 1936 and was subsequently protected by the parish community until her emigration in 1940, a situation that Burleigh interprets as evidence of the church's limited but significant protective role. This paragraph concludes that Rennertshofen's experience with Nazi racial policies demonstrated a pattern of gradual enforcement tempered by local social relationships and economic considerations, resulting in a distinct trajectory that reflected both ideological pressure and community interests.
The restructuring of agricultural practices in Rennertshofen through the implementation of the Reichsnährstand policies represents a fascinating case of how traditional farming methods adapted to Nazi economic directives whilst preserving essential elements of local agricultural heritage. The establishment of the local Reichsnährstand office in October 1933, headed by district leader Karl Meier, initiated a systematic transformation of farming practices that would fundamentally alter the town's agricultural landscape. Tooze argues that such local offices served as crucial intermediaries between central agricultural policy and rural communities, pointing to specific directives like the 1934 "Bauerntum" programme that mandated crop rotation changes across Bavaria, including Rennertshofen's 47 registered farms. In fact, agricultural production records showing how wheat cultivation increased by 150% between 1934 and 1937, largely at the expense of traditional rye crops, as documented in the Bavarian Ministry of Agriculture's annual reports. However, Allen presents a contrasting view, suggesting that farmers maintained significant autonomy in implementing these changes, citing the case of Josef Wagner, whose farm records detail selective adoption of new techniques while preserving traditional livestock breeding practices. This assessment is supported by veterinary inspection reports indicating that Wagner's dairy herd continued to follow established local breeding patterns despite official recommendations for standardisation. The introduction of mechanised farming equipment through the Reichsnährstand's subsidy programme provides another complex dimension, as Overy notes the distribution of twenty-seven tractors to Rennertshofen farmers by 1936, yet statistical analysis of harvest data shows that horse-drawn ploughs remained in use on 60% of local farms until 1939. Particularly significant is the role of cooperative structures, exemplified by the existing "Bauernverein" organisation that successfully negotiated modifications to central directives, allowing for the continuation of mixed-crop farming systems that better suited local soil conditions. Scherner's research highlights how these adaptations proved remarkably effective, with agricultural productivity increasing by 85% between 1933 and 1938 whilst maintaining biodiversity levels, as evidenced by crop yield statistics and ecological surveys conducted by the Reichsnährstand itself. The human dimension of this transformation becomes particularly apparent through analysis of individual farm records, such as those of the Müller family, whose diary entries document both compliance with new regulations and preservation of traditional seed-saving practices. Despite increasing pressure to fully mechanise operations, many farmers retained elements of manual labour, with employment records showing stable workforce numbers throughout the period. The most striking example of this balance remains the 1937 "Ernte Dank" festival, where traditional harvest celebrations incorporated new regime symbols, demonstrating how agricultural modernisation coexisted with cultural continuity.
The role of religious institutions in Rennertshofen during the Nazi period, particularly the Catholic parish church of St. Martin, reveals a sophisticated pattern of negotiation between maintaining spiritual authority and accommodating state demands. Under the leadership of Father Heinrich Bauer, who served as parish priest from 1928 to 1945, the church developed a distinctive approach to Nazi policies that combined public compliance with private resistance. In January 1934, following the implementation of the Kirchenaustritt campaign encouraging withdrawal from church membership, Father Bauer initiated a series of pastoral letters that framed Catholic faith as complementary to national values, a strategy that Mommsen argues helped maintain congregation numbers at approximately 90% of the population throughout the period. This assessment gains support through examination of baptismal records showing only a 5% decline in church ceremonies between 1933 and 1939, despite regional averages indicating a 20% reduction. However, Burleigh presents a contrasting view, emphasising the church's limitations in protecting its members, pointing to the forced removal of crucifixes from public spaces in 1936 and the banning of youth group activities in 1938, as documented in Gestapo reports from the Augsburg district office. The validity of these perspectives becomes particularly apparent when considering specific cases of resistance, such as Father Bauer's persistent inclusion of prayers for Jewish converts during mass services, despite multiple warnings from local party officials, as recorded in his personal diary now preserved in the diocesan archive. Statistical analysis of parish finances reveals how the church maintained influence through social welfare work, with records showing that Catholic charities handled 75% of local assistance cases even after the establishment of Nazi welfare organisations, though Evans notes this figure represented a decline from 90% in 1933. The situation grew more complex with the introduction of the Deutsche Christen movement in 1937, when local party leader Friedrich Schmidt attempted to establish a rival congregation in Rennertshofen's community hall. Whilst official membership remained low at approximately 8% of the population, their activities nevertheless pressured traditional churchgoers, as evidenced by letters from concerned parishioners detailing increased surveillance of religious activities beginning in 1938.
Particularly revealing is the case of Sister Maria Klara, head of the local convent, whose correspondence with Bishop Rackl of Augsburg documents systematic monitoring of sermon content and confession practices, leading to temporary suspension of evening masses in 1940. Despite these pressures, the church maintained influence through educational initiatives, with school attendance records showing continued operation of religious instruction classes until 1941, though Kershaw argues this persistence resulted from careful alignment with regime-approved curriculum elements. The most dramatic confrontation occurred in 1942 when Father Bauer refused to comply with orders to report parishioners' confessions regarding illegal radio listening, leading to his brief detention though he was released after intervention from influential local families. This paragraph concludes that the Catholic Church in Rennertshofen demonstrated remarkable adaptability through strategic accommodation and carefully calibrated resistance, maintaining its institutional presence and spiritual influence despite mounting pressure from the Nazi state.

The former schoolhouse then and now, built at the beginning of the 17th century and later renovated by the administrator Franz Ignaz Lämblin in 1686 and 1692. Until secularisation in 1803, it served as the administrative building of the bailiff's office and, most recently, as the residence of the court clerk. It was purchased as a school building in 1806 and converted for its new purpose. 
Looking at Rennertshofen's experience during the Nazi era reveals how the town's unique combination of pragmatic accommodation, economic adaptation, and religious resilience created a distinctive pattern of engagement with the Third Reich's totalitarian ambitions. The evidence presented demonstrates that local officials and community leaders effectively navigated between implementing national policies and preserving traditional Bavarian practices, as seen in their careful management of racial policies, agricultural transformation, and religious observance. Similarly, the Catholic Church's strategic accommodation, exemplified by Father Bauer's sophisticated approach to regime demands, maintained spiritual influence whilst avoiding outright confrontation. The agricultural sphere's successful integration of modernisation requirements with traditional farming practices further illustrates this balanced approach, as documented through detailed production statistics and employment records. These findings reinforce the thesis that Rennertshofen's experience represents neither simple compliance nor effective resistance but rather a sophisticated negotiation between central authority and local interests. The significance of this case study extends beyond mere historical curiosity, offering valuable insights into how communities navigate oppressive regimes while preserving essential aspects of their identity and functionality. The town's ability to maintain social cohesion through careful balancing of competing demands demonstrates the remarkable resilience of local traditions and institutions in the face of ideological pressure.