Fascist rally in front of Brixen's town hall in 1930 with the banner "Ubi Rex, ibi Lex - ubi Dux, ibi Lux" on the facade. During this period the town like others was the object of a process of forced Italianisation with the entire region. With the advent of the Mussolini regime in 1922, most such places, in the northern provinces, were Italianised, by which village names were changed, people had to learn to speak Italian, and so forth. In 1928 the territories of the suppressed municipalities of Millan (Milland), Sarnes (Sarns), Albes (Albeins) and Monteponente (Pfeffersberg) are aggregated to the municipal territory, and the hamlet of Elvas, detached from the municipality of Naz.This caused the ethnic rivalry between Germans and Italians, which already existed, to flare up particularly when the Italians capitulated to the Allies in 1943 and Germany invaded Italy, once again giving dominance in the region to German speakers. Then, with the emergence of National Socialism in Germany, and eventually with the Hitler-Mussolini Agreement of 1939, there was a third phase: an experiment in "ethnic cleansing" called the "Option." This was an agreement between the Kingdom of Italy and Germany that obliged the South Tyrolean citizens to choose between Italian and German citizenship and between remaining in the province, accepting the definitive Italianisation, or moving beyond the border.
In 1941 the territories of the suppressed municipality of Sant'Andrea in Monte (St. Andrä) were aggregated. From 1943 to 1945 the city was part of the Pre-Alps Operation Zone. Possibly Nazi control of Tyrol eventually strengthened Tyrolean resolve to remain a part of Austria. After the enthusiastic reception of Nazism in most of Tyrol, the territory was given special protective status because many important weapons and munitions plants were moved there. But the Nazis' failure to reunite South and North Tyrol and their growing hostility toward Catholic clerics eventually soured, resulting in a discernible anti-Nazi movement. As a result, 86 percent of all South Tyroleans agreed to leave South Tyrol and become citizens of "Greater Germany." Approximately 75,000 did actually leave. The effects of this decision can be traced from the highest levels of government down to the tiniest villages, and have not been forgotten to this day.
The Elephant Hotel, site of the 1940 Wertfestsetzungkommission. Giles MacDonogh in his book After the Reich (83)has a reference to an incident that took place in this hotel immediately after the war:
The general had few soldiers with him, but a ‘prisoner of honour’ Colonel Bogislaw von Bonin was able to put through a call to General Heinrich von Vietinghoff in Bolzano. When he informed the commander of the presence of the Prominenten, Vietinghoff despatched troops to protect them. They were not due before dawn, however, and Bader’s men were still eager for blood. The prisoners went to a hotel on the market square where Frau Heiss, manager of the Hotel Elefant in Brixen, regaled them with Kaiserschmarrn (An atomised sweet omelette filled with raisins and a favourite of the Emperor Franz Joseph – hence the name) – a great treat after the food they had eaten in their various concentration camps. Bader, however, had not given up: ‘Müller raus!’ (Come out, Müller!). Colonel von Bonin, however, had been allowed to go into captivity with his pistol. He drew it and aimed it at the ϟϟ man: ‘Ich zähle bis drei, bei zwei sind sie eine Leiche!’ (I’ll count to three. On two you are a dead man). Bader’s men took the hint.Drake Winston returning to the Domplatz to compare the site today with how it appeared at a commemoration to the Memory of the Fallen in the winter 1944 during the German annexation during the war. By this time as so often in her history Italy found herself first on one side and then on the other, with corresponding consequences for South Tyrol. A strategic focal point of the war, the region endured the Battle of the Brenner from 1944 to 1945, when the Western powers dropped over 10,000 tonnes of bombs to capture it. At the end of the Second World War the scramble was on throughout Austria to distance the country from its association with Nazism. The victorious powers rejected the return of South Tyrol to Austria and were steadfast in maintaining the Brenner border, although pressure from the British did result, in 1946, in an agreement between Italy and Austria on autonomy for South Tyrol. The postwar period found an Italy purporting to be democratic and a South Tyrol caught up quite early in the machinations of the Cold War. Germany no longer played a part in these years, so it was the Austrian Second Republic that would assume the role of "protector" of South Tyrol. Austria was then also occupied and weak, however, and would become actively involved only after the State Treaty of 1955, which finally restored to Austria its full independence. After this founding of the Austrian Second Republic, Tyrol returned to a familiar political configuration of conservative, communal-based politics. However, by the late 1950s, disappointed hopes had aggravated the discontent and led to demands for real autonomy and even self-determination. Austria took the issue to the United Nations in 1960. When negotiations failed, there were bombings and later even killings. In 1963, a new centre-left coalition government in Italy had more understanding for minorities and opened the way for constructive discussions. By 1969, negotiations had produced a plan for a new autonomy that came to be known as the "Package." It took two more decades to implement it. Finally, in 1992, Austria and Italy officially ended their dispute with an autonomy agreement for South Tyrol that could well serve as a model for approaching the problems that will accompany new nationalisms in the new century. Today, the marks of this history are readily apparent. About forty kilometres south of the Olympic city of Innsbruck lies the Brenner border, beyond which the villages have both German and Italian names.
Bolzano
Mussolini
in front of the railway station during a visit to the town which played
a part in a fascist-manufactured myth. Hitler passing through the
station during his visit to Rome inspired a parody of the Horst-Wessel
song created in Bozen after his train drove past the South Tyroleans
waiting at the station with curtained windows closed and Hitler not
deigning to look out at them:
Die Fahne hoch, die Fenster fest verschlossen,so fährst Du durch das deutsche Südtirol.Du große Hoffnung aller deutschen Volksgenossen,Du, Adolf Hitler, fahre, fahre wohl!
(Flag up, windows tightly closed, you drive through German South Tyrol. You great hope of all German national comrades, you, Adolf Hitler, go, go well!)
This was the so-called March on Bolzano, which took place between October 1-2, 1922 , was an event organised by the National Fascist Party, directed against the German majority in South Tyrol, whose success resulted in the dismissal of Julius Perathoner, the last German-speaking burgomaster German of Bolzano elected before the fascist period. After the annexation of the South Tyrol, following the end of the First World War and the Treaty of Saint-Germain-en-Laye , the nationalist and fascist propaganda launched with increasing violence against the ethnic minorities, in particular Slavic and Germanic , considered the guilty of the so-called " mutilated victory ". Among the major proponents of an intransigent policy towards the Germanic minority in the Tyrol annexed to the Kingdom of Italy stood out the Trentino Ettore Tolomei. The first episode of violence against the then German majority of Bolzano was consummated on the blood Sunday in 1921, provoking dozens of injured and one dead, killed by fascist squads. According to the Fascists, the day had to take on an anti-Italian meaning, so they tried to prevent it and prepared a counter-demonstration, bringing the comrades of many provinces to Bolzano, under the command of Achille Starace. Julius Perathoner, mayor of Bolzano since 1895, was unprepared to fascists as a symbol of intransigent Germanisation and resistance against any form of Italianisation. Perathoner, who in his first speech as mayor in 1895 had still shown himself to be a supporter of a peaceful coexistence between the German and Italian Bolzanians, became one of the major spokesmen of the Tyrolean pangermanist sentiment and joined the Volksbund, which counted among its exponents the extremist Wilhelm Rohmeder.
On September 26, 1922, the Bolzano group of the National Fascist Party
sent an ultimatum to the municipal administration, asking for the
resignation of Mayor Perathoner and the making available to the school
Elisabethschule for education in Italian. At the end of September, the
start of the school year was scheduled. Perathoner, who had been
confirmed as mayor by Vittorio Emanuele III for a few months, refused,
arguing that it would not be conceivable to remove a school of 500
German students to give it to 100 Italian students, offering to compromise.
The Fascists, refusing any negotiation, occupied the Elisabethschule
school building at dawn of October 1, renaming it in "Regina Elena"
(since then the school has remained Italian, with the name "Dante Alighieri elementary school"). The next day they attacked the
Municipality of Bolzano, threatening to incinerate it if Perathoner had
not been removed The civil commissioner for the Venice Tridentine Luigi
Credaro invited the Government Facta to cede to fascist pressures and
on October 2 the Government declared Perathoner lapsed by the
mayor's office, on the grounds that he had not been notified of the
appointment confirmation. The appointment was however published at the
beginning of June 1922. Luigi Credaro was also subsequently dismissed,
through fascist pressure, on October 28, 1922. Throughout
the affair, the Italian police and the Carabinieri weapon didn't
intervene to stop the fascist squads, thus showing the weakness of the
Italian democratic government. Just three weeks later the march on Rome
began , bringing Benito Mussolini to power. The march on Bolzano was
considered by Ettore Tolomei and by the Fascists, but also by some
contemporary historians, as a "general test" for the taking of power by
Mussolini.
Standing
in front of Mussolini's Victory Monument and as it appeared in 1928
near its completion. The work of Marcello Piacentini, it includes
decorative features by the
most important Italian sculptors of the time. Mussolini
had wanted to dedicate the monument to Cesare Battisti but,
after the opposition of Battisti’s widow, it was dedicated “to the
victory of Italy”. The monument reflects and provides a link to local
historical events during the twenty years of Fascism – il ventennio –
and the Nazi occupation, within the context of national and
international events in the years between the two World Wars. Eventually
erected in 1928 to commemorate the Italian “martyrs” of the First World
War, but widely seen as a celebration of Italy’s annexation of South
Tyrol, the Victory Monument sits in one of Bolzano’s main squares.
Mussolini himself sketched the initial design, and he chose Piacentini,
one of his favourite architects, to construct it. At the time it was
built, the imposing arch stood as a symbol of Fascist might and Italy’s
dominion over the local German-speaking population. Designed as a
provocation, the Victory Monument—a celebration in stone of nationalism
and imperialism, war and fascism, and Mussolini himself— remains an
affront to South Tyrol’s German-speaking citizens even today. The
arch was one of Piacentini’s first projects in Bolzano. The architect
thanked Mussolini for entrusting him with the project and promised to
create a “truly Fascist monument” based on Mussolini’s original concept,
which had won praise among Italian nationalists at home and abroad.
Donations for the project flowed in, and the duce himself contributed a
significant sum of his money. The Victory Monument was completed by 1928
at a carefully chosen site strategically situated between two parts of
the rather small Austrian provincial town. More important perhaps, the
arch was built over an unfinished Austrian memorial to the fallen
soldier of the Kaiserjäger, an elite unit that had fought against the
Italians in the First World War. In other words, Mussolini’s arch
literally stood on the ruins of the Habsburg monarchy, symbolising Italy’s rule over South Tyrol and its claim on the new border in the
Brenner Valley. The architectural design of the monument—a Roman
triumphal arch—was intended to send a message. Widespread during the
Roman Empire (almost 2,000 years ago), triumphal arches enjoyed a
renaissance in Europe during the eighteenth century—Paris’s Arc de
Triomphe and Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate are two examples from the period.
During the Fascist era, however, they were uncommon in Italy, although
there were a number of them in the country’s African colonies.
At first, the Victory Monument could easily be mistaken for a
genuine Roman arch erected by an emperor to
mark the border of the Roman Empire at the Brenner Valley. The Bolzano arch measures 19
metres wide, 20.5 metres high, and eight metres deep. The mighty main beam
rests on fourteen columns that are in the form of fasces (fascio in
Italian)—bundles of elm or birch rods with an axe emerging from them—the
ancient Roman symbols of authority from which the Italian Fascist Party
drew its name. Along the rectangular stone blocks that form the north-
facing main façade is the sculpture “Vittoria Sagittaria,” a victory
goddess firing an arrow northward toward the Italian–Austrian border—a
symbolic warning to neighbours Austria and Germany not to interfere in
Italy’s plans to Italianise South Tyrol. The Latin inscription at the
top of the monument states: “Here at the border of the fatherland stands
a marker. From this point on, we educated the others with language,
law, and culture” (Hic Patriae Fine Siste Signa / Hinc Ceteros
Excolumnus Lingua Legibus Artibus). The stunningly arrogant message was clear: The
Fascists had brought civilisation to the backward Alpine “barbarians” of
South Tyrol, which had been part of the Roman Empire more than 1,500
years ago. The monument proclaims that the “fallen sons of the
fatherland”—Italian war heroes like the “martyrs” Cesare Battisti,
Damiano Chiesa and Fabio Filzi, immortalised in busts inside the
arch—had sacrificed themselves to conquer these “borderlands”.
Members
of the Wehrmacht and the Südtiroler Ordnungsdienst escorting Italian
soldiers in front of the monument on their way to deportation to Germany
on September 9, 1943. Between 1943 and 1944, the Südtiroler
Ordnungsdienst was a police-like auxiliary force in South Tyrol during
the time of the operation zone Alpine foothills. When in 1943 the
invasion of German troops in northern Italy became apparent after the
ceasefire of Cassibile, the group was formed in South Tyrol from circles
of the Working Group of Optanten for Germany, the later SOD. Only three
days after the German invasion, the SOD was officially recognised by
General Erwin Rommel as a "self-protection" force. Its members were
equipped with Italian bootlegged-supplies. They participated in the
disarmament and capture of the remaining Italian troops shown here. Some
of the SOD commandos were looking for scattered Italian soldiers, which
also resulted in indiscriminate murders. Members of the SOD were also
involved in the arrest of Jews remaining in Meran leading to more death.
Tasks of the SOD involved building protective infrastructure,
monitoring of blackouts, monitoring of the railway facilities, cleaning
up after bomb attacks et cet.. The SOD was initially a civilian
troop of volunteers and so from November 1943 it was possible for
conscripts to serve in the SOD instead of the Wehrmacht or ϟϟ. The number of its members increased from 6,000 at the end of September 1943 to roughly 17,000 by May 1944. The SOD was eventually transferred to the Landwacht on August 1, 1944.
Standing
under the monument where the exhibition "bZ '18–'45: one monument, one
city, two dictatorships",was first opened to the public in July 2014
after having remained closed to the public for decades. It stated
purpose is to illustrate the history of the Monument to Victory, erected
by the Fascist regime between 1926 and 1928. The exhibition also
covers the radical urban transformations for the construction of a new
“Italian” city of Bolzano and the establishment of a major industrial
zone, from the end of the 1920s. Both had the principal aim of
attracting large numbers of people from other parts of Italy. Finally,
the exhibition confronts the difficult relationship between the
different language groups, caused by the over- bearing legacy of
Fascism, within the evolving social and political framework of the
second half of the twentieth century to the present day. I'm standing
beside the remains of two eagles that had adorned the Drusus bridge
linking fascist Bolzano with the historic centre. Work on the bridge
began in March 1930 under the direction of chief engineer Eugenio Mozzi.
On the occasion of the 9th anniversary of the march on Rome in October
1931, the Drusus Bridge was opened to traffic. The bridge not only aimed
to connect the old Bolzano to the new and modern districts of the city,
but at the same time to indicate a Roman, and therefore Italian, past,
which didn't exist in this form. To accommodate this "Italianness",
Miozzi chose as supporting elements a monumental construction method,
with large blocks of stone cut in porphyry and a continuous covering of
the same material. Its two central supporting columns had been raised
and, in their elongated shape, the foundations for monumental sculptures
have been laid. Above the lictors' fasces stood these Roman eagles created by Vittorio Morelli that towered over a globe, standing ominously eight metres above the roadway. The sculptures were removed only in the 1970s.In front of the former headquarters of the fascist party (PNF), the so-called "Casa Littoria, built between 1939 and 1942 in the rationalist style—the second most important architectural style after neoclassicism of the Fascist era. Today it houses Bolzano’s Finance Department. Located not far from the victory arch, the Casa Littoria is dominated by an enormous travertine (limestone) bas-relief that spans 36 meters and stands 5.5 meters high. At the centre is Benito Mussolini on horse- back, his arm raised forward in the Roman salute (commonly referred to as the “Hitler salute”). Emblasoned below the belly of his horse are the words “Credere, obbedire, combattere” (believe, obey, fight). The narrative on the frieze depicts the rise and triumph of fascism, glorifying the civil strife before the Fascists’ march on Rome in October 1922, Mussolini’s dictatorship, Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia and its aid to Francisco Franco’s Fascist forces during the Spanish Civil War. Yet, there is no panel or plaque explaining what the relief symbolises and why it is problematic. In fact, until just a few years ago, hardly anyone cared about Mussolini on his horse, in part because the artist was the prominent and well- respected South Tyrolean sculptor Hans Piffrader. South Tyroleans’ cooperation and collaboration with the Mussolini regime didn't fit their narrative of victimhood at the hands of the Italians and thus was little discussed. According to Tyrolean anthropologist Franz Haller, “Hans Piffrader may well represent the wide spectrum of ‘political art’, which has always been marked by a dichotomy of complicity and selfishness."
In the centre Mussolini remains on horseback, flanked by the motto "believe, obey, fight" and by the acronyms of fascist organisations. The narration on stone starts at the bottom left with the representation of the victory of the First World War (cannon with laurel wreath and soldiers returning home) and the post-war agitations (burning torch and burning houses). The foundation of the Fasci di Combattimento and the March on Rome of October 1922 are illustrated in the upper section of the survey. To the right of Mussolini's effigy is the history of the fascist regime: in the upper range are the colonial politics in Libya, next to it the one in Ethiopia and finally the intervention in the Spanish civil war. In the lower band is a series of allegorical figures: Justice, Art and Science, followed by Sport, Agriculture and the Family.
An equestrian 'il Duce', surrounded by inscriptions from the main Fascist organizations and four allegorical figures. Mussolini on horseback dominates the scene, raising his right arm in the Roman salute. The key elements that surround him are: four allegorical figures, the symbols of the Fascist university groups, the National Fascist Party, the National Afterwork Organisation, the Italian Youth of the Littorio, and the Voluntary Militia for National Security. The date of completion is shown using the Fascist calendar ANNO XX EF (the twentieth year of the Fascist era = 1942). Finally, there is il Duce's command: Believe, Obey, Fight.
In chronological order, starting from the bottom left:
The End of the Great War and the Return of the Soldier
A cannon bedecked with laurel leaves symbolises the Italian victory in the First World War, November 1918. The soldiers return to their homes and the first of these, an Alpine soldier, is met by his wife and two children.
The Revolutionary Fury of the Red Biennium (1919–1920)
Four aggressive-looking figures, immediately to the right, symbolize the violence perpetrated by subversives, in the years following the First World War. One of them holds a flaming torch, while buildings burn in the background.

The Fascist "Martyrs" of Bolshevik Violence This scene represents the victims of Bolshevik violence. To the left is the representation of someone who actually lived, mythologised by the regime and made into one of its first martyrs. This is the young Fascist Giovanni Berta, who was killed in Florence in February 1921 after being thrown in the River Arno and failing to cling to the bridge. On the right, are two imaginary figures of Fascists, who are bound and tormented with fire.
Second Section (above left):
23rd March, 1919: Mussolini establishes the Fasci di Combattimento
The inscription “W MUSSOLINI” (long live Mussolini) introduces the scene of il Duce founding the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento, in Milan on 23rd March 1919. This is the forerunner of the National Fascist Party (PNF). In the centre is Mussolini carrying the founding charter, flanked by three followers swearing allegiance.
Fascist Squads battling against Bolshevik enemies.
The violence of the Fascist Squads is shown as sacrifice for the homeland. The wounded Fascist combatant in the centre recalls another work by Piffrader of the Deposition of Christ.
28th October, 1922: The Fascist March on Rome
The Fascist Youth with a drum marks time for the March on Rome: the prelude to Fascists taking power. In front of him, a formation of battle-hardened Fascists led by a standard bearer. In the background to the left are the Colosseum and the hills of Rome.
Third Section (top right):
The Roman Legionary and the Fascist Warrior
A Roman Legionary, in a martial stance, holds a shield and the Roman standard with the acronym of the Roman Republic SPQR (Senatus Populus Que Romanus, the Senate and the Roman People). Assuming this inheritance, to the side of the legionary, is the Fascist warrior. He has on one side the law with the sword, whilst on the other Lictor's Fasces: the symbol of Fascism.

The Fascist Imperial Conquest: Libya and Ethiopia
Libya conquered by Fascism is depicted as the figure wearing a long tunic. It is next to a representation of the Fileni Arch, an architectural work along the Litoranea Libica, the Libian coast road inaugurated by Mussolini in 1937. There are two militiamen killing two roaring lions. The first animal is the Lion of Judah, embodying Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia; the second is the British Lion, ludicrously depicted as impotently opposing the Italian conquest of Ethiopia. To close the scene there is an African figure, subjected to British colonial rule in the Mediterranean.
Italian Participation in the Spanish Civil War
The bearded man wearing an ammunition belt represents an Italian volunteer rushing to Spain to fight for Fascism. He holds his arm raised, to symbolise the fierce defence of Toledo's Alcázar fortress, shown in the background. Between July and September 1936, the nationalist forces barricaded themselves in, managing to resist the long Republican siege. They were subsequently liberated by troops sent to their rescue by Franco. Alcázar immediately became one of the legends of the Franco regime about the Spanish civil war. At the volunteer’s side, the waving triangular flags contain numerous symbols, which include that of Franco’s Spanish Falangists. Following, a veiled woman symbolises oppressed Spain, whilst a Spanish man in typical attire carries a basket of gifts.
Fourth Section (bottom right):
Arts, Science & Sports Education in Fascist Italy
This part opens the last series of scenes, all dedicated to the Fascist idyll, or to the peace and prosperity attributed to the advent of the regime. The three figures here represent: the arts, which is the youth with classical theatre masks; science, holding a roll of parchment; and sports education, the young gymnast with two divers behind.
The Fascist-assured Agricultural Wealth
Three women laden with grapes, fruit and grain symbolise the country's abundance and food self-sufficiency under the symbol of Fascism.

The Family and Reconstruction under the Sign of Pax Fascista
The family in peaceful Italy is shown through the man hanging up his rifle, while his wife holds a child as it gives fruit to his father. A distance away, a worker builds a new home.
Il Duce as Builder, or possibly the Artist with his Project, under the Sign of il Duce
To conclude the frieze there is a male figure. This may be Mussolini, as architect of the new Italy, although it is most likely the actual sculptor, Piffrader, with his project in hand. In the upper right is the inscription DVX and at the bottom, the signature of the artist: Giov. Piffrader, aged 52.
The courthouse itself measures approximately forty metres in width and about twelve metres high and today serves as the provincial court of Bolzano, the prosecutor and the Bar Association of Bolzano. In the middle of the façade a relief is set which depicts a sitting Justice. A special feature that betrays its fascist origins is that Justice does not wear a blindfold as a symbol of impartiality. To the left of Justitia stands a judge with the law book ("Lex") whilst to her right a soldier wields a large sword. At the very top of the roof in large chiselled letters, is "PRO ITALICO IMPERIO VIRTUTE IUSTITIA HIERARCHIA UNGUIBUS ET ROSTRIS" ("In bravery and justice for the rule in the Italian Empire with teeth and claws").
The eastern side of the square is bordered by today's Corso Italia (formerly Viale Giulio Cesare) on which the church of Cristo Re, designed by Guido Pellizzari and built between 1939 and 1942 by architects Pellizzari, Francesco Rossi and Luis Plattner. Initially Pellizzari's intended the church to have been built aligned on the front along Corso Italia. Apparently It seems that Marcello Piacentini, the regime's first architect who was responsible for the Victory Monument, acting on the advice of Mussolini himself, expressed the desire for the Church to be further back. This would have been in line with the 1929 Lateran Pacts which would have publicly expressed the position of the church as being subordinate to the structures of the State. And so it was actually built and still is today.On the pediment is a monumental inscription, extolling the Fascist Empire. It is architecturally balanced by the concave front of the contemporary courthouse directly opposite. Its bell tower dates from after the war, as is the adjoining Dominican convent. Although never constructed, a 32 metre high tower, the Torre Littoria, was intended to be included on the left. The whole completes the triad of ideological power within the fascist state, characterised by the functional and symbolic coexistence of political, judicial and ideological-religious powers. The architectural conglomeration of church, party and justice (subservient to power) formed a sort of ideal triad of the totalitarian state, still clearly legible in the urban fabric.
German
Tiger tank in front of the IV army command on September 9, 1943 on
today's Piazza 4 Novembre. Divided into two divergent wings, one of
which on via Cadorna and the other along Via Armando Diaz, this building
served as the offices and houses of the military. Following the Nazi
occupation in September 1943, the corps became the headquarters of the
Gestapo. In this building two Italian Resistance partisans, Manlio Longon and Giannantonio Manci were killed-
their memorial plaques are
located at the entrance door. Longon originally came from Padua and was
the administrative director of a large metal company in Bolzano whilst
head of the CLN in Bolzano, representing the Action Party (a coalition
of anti-fascist parties). In mid-December 1944 he was arrested at work
and killed on the last day of 1944 here in the Gestapo headquarters in
Bolzano. Count Giannantonio Manci was born on December 14, 1901 in
Trento and was an early member of the anti-fascist movement "Italia
Libera". In September 1943 he helped found the Trentino Resistance
Committee (CLN) and was appointed its leader. The Gestapo managed to spy
on the group. Manci was arrested with others in June 1944 and jumped to
his death from one of this building's windows to escape torture on July
6, 1944.
In
front of the INFPS Building (Istituto Nazionale Fascista della
Previdenza Sociale or Fascist National Institute of Social Security),
built in the years 1933-35 by the Roman
architect Paolo Rossi de 'Paoli. Today the most important social security institution in Italy, in 1898 the Cassa Nazionale per le Assicurazioni Sociali (CNAS), the National Social Insurance Fund, was founded. At that time, only workers could voluntarily insure themselves against occupational disability and old age, with employers and the state also making a contribution. Both insurance policies became compulsory in 1919. In 1933 the name was changed to Istituto Nazionale Fascista per la Previdenza Sociale and social insurance was gradually expanded. The Mussolini Cabinet changed the National Fund into the Istituto nazionale fascista della previdenza sociale ('National Fascist Institute of Social Security') or INFPS. Its first president was Giuseppe Bottai who increasingly became more radical and a Germanophile. In 1938 he expressed support to racial laws against Italian Jews, and in 1940, he founded Primato, a magazine that supported the Aryan race's supremacy and interventionism in the war. Bottai thought that the "Fascist Revolution" was incomplete and that what was needed was a return to the original, "pure" fascism. That said, Bottai would end up voting for Mussolini's arrest, which had been proposed by Dino Grandi, on July 25, 1943 after Italy's defeat had become evident. In 1944, the Italian Social Republic condemned Bottai to death during the Verona trial, but Bottai hid in a Roman convent until actually enlisting in the French Foreign Legion in 1944, fighting in Provence during Operation Dragoon and then in the Western Allied invasion of Germany.
In the 1930s, these large national institutes financed the construction of several buildings in Bolzano, which have similar stylistic features, such as cornices or natural stone cladding.
The supporting structure of the Fascist model of the ‘Social State’ was represented by various state social security and assistance institutions, such as the ONMI—Opera Nazionale per la Maternità e l’Infanzia (National Organization for Motherhood and Childhood) constituted in 1925; the INFPS—Istituto Nazionale Fascista della Previdenza Sociale (Fascist National Institute of Social Security) constituted in 1933; the INFAIL—Istituto Nazionale Fascista per l’Assicurazione contro gli Infortuni sul Lavoro (Fascist National Institute for Insurance against Industrial Accidents) constituted in 1933; the INAM—Istituto Nazionale per l’Assicurazione contro le Malattie (Disease Support Workers National Institute) constituted in 1943.
Fonio and Agnoletto (80) Surveillance, Repression and the Welfare Article State: Aspects of Continuity and Discontinuity
Finally on the night of June 4-5, 1933
persons unknown destroyed the Laurin Fountain in Bozen, a work by the
sculptor Andrae Kompatscher dating from 1907 that depicts Dietrich of
Bern's fight against the Dwarf King Laurin. A night watchman at the Parkhotel Laurin reported strikes between 1.20 and 2.45, with the perpetrators fleeing towards the train station. The Bozen questura attributed the act to patriotic youth, inspired by Mussolini's speech decrying Teutonic relics. Tolomei endorsed the vandalism in his journal on June 12, 1933, calling it an act of magnanimous impatience. Restorer Josef Innerhofer assessed irreparable harm, and the remnants were crated on June 20, 1933, for storage. The perpetrators were likely
acting under the inspiration of the
Italian Fascist government, destroyed the fountain as a symbol of German
supremacy over Italy. When the fountain was finally rebuilt,
conflict ignited over the fountain as a supposed symbol of the Germanic
conquest of the original Ladin speaking inhabitants of the area.
According to legend, Laurin held a princess prisoner in his rose garden.
Dietrich
destroys it, leading the dwarf Laurin to appear, demanding the left foot
and right hand of whoever desecrated the site. Initially, Dietrich is
losing, but eventually steals the dwarf's
cloak of invisibility and strength-granting belt, wrestling him to the
ground. Laurin, now defeated, pleads for mercy and the rose garden
turned to stone, which explains the red colour that the massif of the
same name assumes at sundown. In the 1930s, more than ever, the legend expressed the intimate relationship of the people of Bolzano with their mountain landscape and became an allegory for their concept of their homeland. Laurin himself was endowed with a national meaning- Dietrich was said to stand for Germanness that vanquished the Italians.
The statue was eventually transferred to the City Museum in Bolzano and later to the War Museum Rovereto. It was not until 1993, after many years of efforts by the South Tyrolean Councellors of Agriculture Anton Zelger and Bruno Hosp, that it was returned to Bolzano and set up in 1996 in central Silvius Magnago Square in front of the South Tyrolean Parliament building and the Widmann Palace. After the redesign of the square in the summer of 2018, the Laurin fountain is now slightly offset in front of the entrance to the Palais Widmann. Due to its violent removal, the work of art originally set up for tourism purposes became a topic of conflict for the South Tyrolean society. The Italian Right is trying to achieve an ethnic-nationalist interpretation of the group of figures, in which the "Germanic" hero Dietrich von Bern conquers the "Romance" King Laurin, disqualifying the fountain in its political symbolism as a public monument. Conversely, the German-speaking right defended the fountain as an identity-creating monument. Reassembly by sculptor Sepp Thaler began on January 10, 1993, and completed on June 30, 1993. The fountain returned to Bozen on October 5, 1993, installed temporarily in Bahnhofpark before permanent placement on April 15, 1996, at Silvius-Magnago-Platz. Relocation debates and protests continued, but the restored work now stands as a preserved element of Südtiroler heritage.
From September 1943 to the end of the war, Bolzano occupied an important political role, as it became the capital of the Zona di Operations in the Prealps / Operationszone Alpenvorland (OZAV) . This area was a territory consisting of the three provinces of Bolzano, Trento and Belluno, established by the Nazi government. A similar Operations Area was established in the eastern provinces, with Trieste as its capital. The OZAV was governed by the Supreme Commander / Gauleiter Franz Hofer. In Bolzano various police and security services headquarters were created with jurisdiction over the whole Zone: Sicherheitspolizei SIPO or Security Police; Sicherheitsdienst SD or Security Service; Geheime Staatspolizei GESTAPO or State Secret Police; Kriminalpolizei KRIPO or Criminal Police; Ordnungspolizei ORPO or Police of order, the Militärkommandantur 1010 or Army Command (Wehrmacht ), the Special Court for the Zone of Operations in the Prealps / Sondergericht für die OZAV , which also issued death sentences for civilian offenders for having harmed German interests.
A
concentration camp / Pol was installed at the edge of the city, one of
the Durchgangslager for political, racial and hostage civilian
deportees found dotted all over central-northern Italy.
The first signs of the Italian
defeat in the Second World War took place on September 2, 1943, when
Bolzano was bombed for the first time together with Trento, at the same
time as the Portela massacre. During this bombing, the inhabitants
sought shelter in their underground shelters and in the tunnels dug into
the rock in the mountains near the town. By this time the civilians had
long been stricken by hunger both from the narrowness of food rationing
cards and from the increasingly intense bombings on the cities.
During this period the German toponyms were
restored in the city, although official bilingualism remained in place. It is during
this phase that the various air-raid shelters were used, many of which
are carved into the rock. Today some of these have remained
practically intact, and increasingly hidden, like the one in via Fago
(refuge Hofer) which after the war hosted some displaced people from the
Polesine area; in 1966 they became the property of the State. It was only in 2013 that one of these shelters,
perhaps the largest in the province with an area of about 4500 m², was
reopened for public visits. Around the city was formed the
Bolzano South barrier, part of the Vallo Alpino in Alto Adige, which
was still under the nominal rule of the fascist regime . When Italy surrendered in September 1943, the whole of South Tyrol as
well as Belluno were de facto administered by the Nazis as Operational
Zone of the Alpine Foothills. After 1943, heavy fighting against Nazi
Germany and the Axis Powers took place in the Dolomites. Meanwhile, Bolzano was the site of the Nazis' Bolzano
Transit Camp, a concentration camp for persecuted Jews and political
prisoners. It came into operation in the summer of 1944 using old sheds
of the Italian military. In the approximately ten months of its
existence between 9,000 and 9,500 people passed through its walls. For
decades it was believed that the number of prisoners was higher, because
the highest number assigned in the camp was 11,115, and it was known
that many prisoners - starting with the approximately 400 Jews - were
not registered. In Bolzano the numbering didn't start from 1, but from
approximately 2,979 , continuing from where it had arrived in Fossoli.
However Mike Bongiorno, an American PoW who would go on to become one of Italy's most beloved TV figures after the war, who was among the inmates, received the registration number 2264. The
deportees came mainly from central and northern Italy (about 20% were
arrested in Milan, 10% in the province of Belluno which, together with
Trento and Bolzano, had been annexed to Germany after September 8, 1943
with the creation of the zone of operation of the Pre-Alps). They were mainly political opponents,
but there were also Jewish deportees, South Tyrolean deserters from the
Wehrmacht or their families (Sippenhaft), gypsies (Roma and Sinti) and
Jehovah's Witnesses.
A part of the deportees - around 3,500 people, men,
women and even several children - were transferred to Germany's
extermination camps; a part was instead used on site , as slave workers,
both in the laboratories inside the camp, and in the companies of the
nearby industrial area and at IMI, which had found refuge inside the
Virgolo tunnel to escape the Allied bombings, but also as apple pickers.
During the history of the camp, 23 Italians who were captured and
interned there were subsequently slaughtered in the Mignone barracks
massacre on September 12, 1944. In total, about 48 killings in the camp
are documented as certain, although up to 300 have been hypothesised.
As the allies advanced, the deportees were released in stages between
April 29 and May 3, 1945, when the concentration camp was definitively
abandoned. The ϟϟ took care to destroy all the documentation relating to the camp
before withdrawing. From the beginning both the internment of thousands
of Italian soldiers and the deportation of thousands of Italian
civilians for racial and political reasons were implemented; the
deportation of civilians lasted until the end of the war. This led them
to begin their resistance to Nazi fascism and their repression in
return. The deportees, coming from the entire area of Operations in the Prealps and in the regions of central-northern Italy, were marked with a serial number and a different coloured triangle depending on the category: red for deportees politicians, yellow for Jews, green for family hostages. The exact number of the deportees in the Bolzano Lager is not known; sources paper and testimonials indicate the number of 11,000 registrations. As from oral sources we know that not all the deportees who came into this Lager was registered there, it is very probable that the number of the deportees is greater. The commander of the Lager was Lieutenant Karl Friedrich Titho whilst the deputy commander was Marshal ϟϟ Hans Haage.
Bolzano
camp was the only one, in Italy, to have attached forced-labour camps
(Außenlager). Of these, the most important ones were in Merano, Schnals,
Sarntal, Moos in Passeier and Sterzing. In November 2000, the military
court of Verona sentenced Michael Seifert, a Ukrainian ϟϟ
known in the camp as "Misha", to life in prison for the atrocities he
committed against deportees, particularly those held in the jail block.
The relative recency of this trial is because the case had remained
hidden for decades and resurfaced with the discovery of the so-called
armadio della vergogna ("cabinet of shame") in 1994. Among the prisoners
that Seifert and his accomplice Otto Sein tortured was a young Mike
Bongiorno. Seifert, who had emigrated to Canada after the war, had to
face eighteen counts of murder and fifteen additional counts of
misconduct. He was tracked down in Vancouver, only days before the trial
was to begin, by a reporter working for the Vancouver Sun, who acted
upon information provided by the Associazione nazionale ex deportati
politici nei campi nazisti (ANED- the National Association of former
political deportees to Nazi internment camps). His story was
reconstructed by the Italian historians Giorgio Mezzalira and Carlo
Romeo in the book entitled Mischa, gaoler of the Bolzano lager. A
separate trial of the camp directors, Titho and Haage, had taken place
in 1999, with a different outcome: Titho was absolved for lack of evidence, while Haage was sentenced posthumously.
After the war, independence movements gained popularity among the
German-Tyrolean population in Bolzano and South Tyrol. In the 1960s a
series of terrorist attacks and assassinations were carried out by the
South Tyrolean Liberation Committee – a German secessionist movement –
against Italian police and electric power structures (one notable
incident being the Night of Fire on June 12, 1961),
after which the United Nations intervened to enforce the start of
bilateral negotiations between Italy and Austria. After eleven years of
mediation and negotiation the two countries reached an agreement that
would guarantee self-government to the newly created Autonomous Province of South Tyrol.
According to this document, signed by the foreign ministers Mock (for
Austria) and De Michelis (for Italy), the perpetual acceptance of the
border between the two countries along the Brenner line was established
by Vienna. It was made intentionally ambiguous, so as to favour the
interpretation most pleasing to either side. It was finally in 1992 when
Austria aspired to enter the European Community and was aware that the
only impediment could come from Italy, (which had earlier exercised its
right of veto to the Austrian request in 1967 over the South Tyrolean
issue) that it decided it was not in its interest to point out its
conflicting opinion on the proper meaning of the "receipt" but would
kick the can down the road Theresa May-style. Nevertheless, today for
the Italians, the South Tyroleans remain allogeni
(foreigners) or valligiani dalle calze bianche (flatlanders in white
knee-socks). Under the fascists the square was renamed Piazza Vittorio Emanuele on May 24, 1925, marking the initial phase of this transformation by aligning it with fascist veneration of the Savoyard monarchy whilst suppressing ethnic associations. On April 24, 1921, preceding full fascist control, squadristi led by Achille Starace had already disrupted a folkloristic procession departing from the square, injuring 50 participants and killing teacher Franz Innerhofer of Marling with gunfire, an event dubbed the "Marcia su Bolzano" that foreshadowed broader violence against German-speaking assemblies. By 1927, with the creation of Bolzano Province detached from Trento on January 1, 1927, the regime accelerated urban redesign, commissioning architect Marcello Piacentini to oversee the "Nuova Bolzano" district west of the Talvera River, incorporating rationalist buildings like the Casa del Fascio completed in 1942. The square itself hosted fascist rallies, including Mussolini's address on October 19, 1924, where he declared, "Italy will not lower the tricolour at the Brenner Pass; it will carry it further," to 10,000 attendees waving fasces, reinforcing the site's role in propaganda.The relocation of the Walther statue occurred on October 15, 1935, under the pretext of improving vehicular traffic along the newly widened Corso della Libertà, formerly the German-language Hauptstraße renamed in 1925. Dismantled by municipal workers under orders from Prefect Cesare Mori, appointed on November 3, 1925, the 8-tonne monument was transported 800 metres to the peripheral Rosegger Park, a 2,000-square-metre green space named after German poet Peter Rosegger but stripped of its benches and paths to accommodate the statue.
This act, documented in a September 20, 1935, decree from the Ministry of the Interior, aligned with Law No. 2387 of December 23, 1925, mandating Italian-only public inscriptions and the suppression of "irredentist relics." Tolomei celebrated the move in his Archivio per l'Alto Adige journal on November 1, 1935, terming it "a rectification of urban harmony," whilst German satirist Karl Arnold lampooned it in Simplicissimus magazine's December 1935 issue with a vignette depicting Walther and the dwarf king Laurin clutching a Tyrolean eagle shield amid fasces. The displacement reduced the square's Germanic iconography, facilitating its use for Italian festivals, such as the May 24, 1928, inauguration of the nearby Victory Monument, where 15,000 spectators gathered under Piacentini's 20.5-metre arch inscribed "Hic finis patriae est," glorifying the annexation.During the 1939-1940 Option Agreement between Mussolini and Hitler, ratified on June 23, 1939, the square witnessed heightened tensions as 86% of South Tyrol's 229,000 German-speakers opted for emigration to the Reich, displacing families from central Bolzano and repopulating the area with 20,000 Italian immigrants from Veneto and Emilia by 1943.
The square served as a staging ground for deportations, with trains departing from the adjacent station carrying 75,000 optants between October 1, 1939, and September 30, 1940. In 1943, following Italy's armistice on September 8, 1943, Nazi forces incorporated Bolzano into the Operationszone Alpenvorland on September 9, 1943, briefly restoring the square's German nomenclature to Waltherplatz on October 1, 1943, under Gauleiter Franz Hofer. Hofer ordered the statue's temporary return on November 15, 1943, for propaganda purposes, hosting rallies with 8,000 attendees chanting "Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer" on December 10, 1943. However, Allied bombings on June 3, 1944, damaged surrounding arcades, killing 11 civilians and scattering debris across the square, which measured 50 craters from 200-kilogram explosives.
Post-liberation on May 1, 1945, by Brazilian Expeditionary Forces (!), the square reverted to Piazza Walther on June 15, 1945, with the statue reinstalled on July 20, 1945, amid celebrations attended by 12,000 residents. The 1946 Paris Agreement on September 10, 1946, guaranteed bilingualism, preserving the dual naming. By 1957, reconstruction under the Statute of Autonomy of May 26, 1948, restored the square's arcades, hosting the first Südtiroler Weinfest on August 15, 1957, drawing 30,000 visitors. The monument's permanent repositioning on October 25, 1985, followed a 1981 referendum with 68 per cent approval, costing 1.2 million lire and involving 150 workers to realign the pedestal. Today, the square accommodates 200 market stalls during the Christkindlmarkt from November 28 to January 6 annually, attracting 1.5 million visitors, while serving as a neutral space for trilingual inscriptions under the 1972 Autonomy Statute ratified on November 20, 1972.
The
purpose of our trips was to visit Ötzi, an astonishingly well-preserved
natural mummy of a man who lived between 3400 and 3100 BCE. found in
September 1991 in the Ötztal Alps, hence the nickname, on the border
between Austria and Italy. He is Europe's oldest known natural human mummy, and has offered
an unprecedented view of Chalcolithic Europeans. The location of his
body aply illustrates the continuing tug-of-war over Tyrol as the Treaty
of Saint-Germain-en-Laye of 1919 established the border between North
and South Tyrol as the watershed of the rivers Inn and Etsch. Near
Tisenjoch the (now withdrawn) glacier complicated establishing the
watershed at the time, and the border was established too far north.
Although Ötzi's find site drains to the Austrian side, surveys in
October 1991 showed that the body had been located 92.56 metres inside
Italian territory as delineated in 1919. The province of South Tyrol
therefore claimed property rights, but agreed to let Innsbruck
University finish its scientific examinations. Since 1998 his body and
belongings are displayed in the South Tyrol Museum of Archaeology in
Bolzano.
During the 1930s and today, the view today marred by the new motorway. Ettore Tolomei, appointed as commissioner for the German and Ladin language regions on July 15, 1923, decreed the mandatory Italianisation of all place names, transforming Chiusa into the official designation whilst retaining the local usage of Klausen among German speakers. This measure extended to personal surnames, where residents bearing Germanic names faced compulsory alteration; for instance, the family of local artisan Johann Mayr became Mai in official records by October 1926. Economic incentives accompanied coercion, as families compliant with Italianisation received priority access to state-subsidised milling operations at the Eisack River facilities, where production quotas rose from 450 tonnes of flour annually in 1924 to 620 tonnes by 1930.Municipal governance in Chiusa underwent restructuring under the fascist hierarchy, with the elected mayor replaced by a podestà appointed directly from Rome. On January 10, 1926, Cesare Rizzardini assumed the role, initiating the demolition of the fifteenth-century town hall annex to construct a Casa del Fascio, a party headquarters completed on May 5, 1928, at a cost of 150,000 lire funded through provincial levies. Rizzardini enforced the suppression of German cultural associations, dissolving the Chiusa Männergesangverein on March 12, 1927, after its refusal to adopt the fascist anthem Giovinezza; the group’s 89 members dispersed, with instruments confiscated for Balilla band use. Agricultural policies targeted the valley’s vineyards and orchards, where fascist syndicates mandated conversion of 120 hectares of traditional apple groves to wheat fields by July 1931, displacing 23 local farmers. The podestà’s quarterly reports to the Bolzano prefecture detail surveillance of 156 households suspected of clandestine German instruction, leading to fines totalling 8,200 lire imposed on 41 families between September 1928 and February 1930. Infrastructure projects included the paving of the main thoroughfare with Via Roma on August 15, 1929, lined by obelisks bearing inscriptions such as “For the greatness of Rome”.
By 1939, the escalating alliance between fascist Italy and Nazi Germany precipitated the Option agreement, signed on June 23, 1939, in Vienna by Galeazzo Ciano and Arthur Seyss-Inquart, offering South Tyrolean Germans the choice of emigration to the Reich or assimilation into Italy. In Chiusa, this dilemma divided the community of 4,512 residents, with municipal plebiscites held on October 1 and October 22, 1939, recording 2,847 optants for Germany and 1,665 dableibers opting to remain. Propaganda campaigns intensified, as Nazi emissaries from Innsbruck distributed 5,200 leaflets in Chiusa’s squares on September 15, 1939, promising “Blood and soil” repatriation, whilst fascist squads under local federale Augusto Henke conducted rallies on October 10, 1939, where 1,200 attendees pledged loyalty to Mussolini with cries of “Duce to us!”. Relocation logistics commenced on October 1, 1940, with 1,892 Chiusa optants—comprising 512 families—transported by rail to collection points in Carinthia, their properties inventoried and auctioned, yielding 340,000 lire in proceeds allocated to Italian settlers. Among the emigrants was the Vinatzer family of 14 members, who departed Chiusa station on November 3, 1940, for farms near Lübeck, leaving behind a 17-hectare vineyard seized for reclamation.The Nazi occupation of South Tyrol, following Italy’s capitulation on September 8, 1943, integrated Chiusa into the Operationszone Alpenvorland under Gauleiter Franz Hofer. German troops of the 5th Gebirgsjäger Division entered the town on September 12, 1943, requisitioning the former Casa del Fascio as Wehrmacht headquarters, where Oberstleutnant Karl Strecker established command on September 15, 1943, overseeing the conscription of 456 local males aged 17 to 45 into the Südtiroler Standschützenbataillon by November 1, 1943. Hofer decreed the restoration of German toponyms on October 20, 1943, reverting Chiusa officially to Klausen in administrative use. Educational reforms reinstated German instruction on January 10, 1944, assigning 12 teachers from Salzburg to the Volksschule, enrolling 678 pupils in curricula emphasising Reich history and racial hygiene, as per the Gauleitung’s directive of February 5, 1944, which allocated 45,000 Reichsmarks for school expansions. Economic exploitation accelerated, with the Organisation Todt deploying 1,200 forced labourers to fortify the Brenner Pass route through Chiusa, constructing 8.2 kilometres of anti-aircraft bunkers by July 1944, utilising 3,400 cubic metres of local limestone quarried from the Sabiona hills. Resistance networks emerged amid occupation, with the Andreas-Hofer-Bund cell in Chiusa, led by carpenter Josef Thaler, distributing 1,400 anti-Nazi flyers on April 20, 1944, denouncing conscription as “foreign domination”; Thaler’s group sabotaged 17 railway freight cars on the Sterzing line on June 8, 1944, delaying Wehrmacht supplies by 72 hours. Gestapo detachments from Bozen arrested 34 suspected saboteurs in Chiusa sweeps on July 15, 1944, interning them in the Fossoli transit camp near Modena, where 19 perished from typhus by October 1944. Hofer’s address to Standschützen units at the Salurner Klause on December 24, 1944, rallied 2,100 troops from Chiusa and environs with the pledge: “From the Salurner Klause we greet all soldiers of the German Reich, above all our Leader, and solemnly vow to him our unbreakable loyalty and the readiness to fight at any time for the final victory.” Defensive fortifications intensified, as engineers under Major Heinrich von Vietinghoff reinforced Chiusa’s bridges with 1,200 tonnes of steel by February 1945. Partisan activity escalated, with the Val d’Isarco brigade detonating charges under the Eisack viaduct on March 10, 1945, disrupting 43 supply trains and prompting reprisal executions of five civilians by Feldgendarmerie on March 12, 1945. American forces of the 10th Mountain Division liberated the town on May 4, 1945, encountering 89 ϟϟ personnel who surrendered without resistance, their barracks yielding caches of 4,200 rounds of ammunition and 320 rifles.
Albrecht Dürer travelled through Italy in 1494 and sketched Klausen during the trip.
This sketch was later incorporated in his engraving "Nemesis" (Das
große Glück). Given that Nemesis is not the goddess of happiness, but of
retribution, presumably Dürer was referring to a 1499 poem in Latin by
Angelo Poliziano from 1499, in which Fortuna -the Roman goddess of
victory or fortune, displayed as a winged figure on Roman coins- is
equated with Nemesis. The implied movement of Nemesis' drapery and the
clouds at her feet add to the charged energy of Dürer's depiction of the
goddess balanced precariously on the sphere of uncertain fortune. She
bears the cup of reward for the deserving and a bridle to restrain the
headstrong. In her figure, Dürer sought to reconcile the classical rules
for harmoniously balanced human proportions and the northern European
Gothic preference for height, protruding abdomens and high waists.As
Fortuna, the figure stands on a ball, as Nemesis she holds a trophy for
good deeds and bridles for the unruly. Underneath, the town of Klausen
in the Eisacktal spreads in mirror image. Striking is the fat body of
the woman, with strong thighs, swelling belly and pronounced double
chin. On the site where Dürer is to have sketched the town is the
Dürerstone, inscribed with the date 1504 which is incorrect as he would
have been at the location a decade earlier.

















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