Responses to IBDP Paper 1, May 2000 History exam

Section A – The Russian Revolution and the New Soviet State 1917-1929


1. a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma? The Kadet Party is urged to support the State Duma, as the Duma is working for the good of the Russian people; support is needed for it to ensure peace within Russia and abroad. Additionally, the Duma successfully abolished the old government. 
1. b) What is the message of Document E? Document E is an official poster, which is trying to convey the strength of the party, as seen through the height of the man representing the Bolsheviks and also his pose. Additionally, this poster shows how the Bolsheviks are being held back or hindered by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, which are depicted holding on to the bigger figure’s coat. 

2. Using Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party? All three documents highlight the party’s supremacy as they convey a ‘us versus them’ idea; in Document C Lenin uses the Party Congress to acquire enforcement for his policy of keeping the party free of disagreement and division, while D not only labels the Bolshevik party as the “vanguard” but also states the opposition – the Mensheviks. This is only seconded by Source E, which also labels two political parties which function as opposition – the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries. Both Sources C and D also convey the party’s supremacy by relying on fear and threats; in Source C it is said that the Party is “surrounded by enemies” and that a “immediate expulsion” from the Bolshevik party would occur if one did not adhere to its rules. In Source D, it is stated that the party members must subordinate themselves to the party if they do not wish to be “purged”. Furthermore, Document C persuades the audience by stating that criticism is essential, but must be directed at the entire party and thus shows the supremacy of the party. Additionally, Document D shows the supremacy of the Bolshevik party by conveying Stalin’s persuasion of the proletarians to support the party with their “revolutionary spirit” and “selfless devotion”. 

3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. As Document A is a primary source coming from an official political document, which calls the Kadet Party and more groups to support the Duma, it is essential in conveying the Central Committee’s views on the newly created Provisional Government at the time of its creation. It is also valuable, as it shows the successes of the time and the support given from the Kadet Party, due to the overthrowing of the old government, in the beginning of the Revolution. A limitation however, is that it is not clear who exactly wrote the appeal and also that no reactions are shown, thus not taking into consideration if the appeal worked in any way. As Document B is a lecture given almost 80 years after the Russian Revolution by an American historian, it is useful for historians, as he not only had the benefit of years of research and study but also access to the archives which were opened after the collapse of the USSR. The incorporation of statistics gives a certain weight to the lecture, but would have to be verified by other (primary) sources, as facts can easily be manipulated. The historian giving the lecture, Richard Pipes, may be slightly bias towards the topic or may at least lack total objectivity as he himself lived under Soviet Rule in Poland, and may thus have a more negative view towards the Communist Revolution. 

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime on “law, equality and freedom”[Document A] was not fulfilled. The Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime on “law, equality and freedom” was not fulfilled due to many reasons. Document B, for example, shows Lenin’s deceitfulness towards creating a single party state run by the Bolshevik party, which would exclude equality and freedom for other parties; as a fact, this lack of “law, equality and freedom” can be seen through the creation of the Cheka in December 1917, which functioned as the secret police of the Bolshevik party which would arrest Bolshevik opposition. As seen in Document C, Lenin enforced strict control within the party, which resulted in a lack of equality and freedom; this can furthermore be seen in Source D, which shows Stalin’s approach to purge opposition within in the party. Furthermore, Source E also shows this persecution of Bolshevik opposition, which included parties such as the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries. Additionally, Source D shows the supremacy of the proletariat, and Stalin’s wish for them to achieve the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, thus placing the proletarians above all other people resulting in a lack of equality in freedom. After a public vote which had resulted in about 24% of votes for Lenin and his Bolshevik party and about 62% for the Social Revolutionaries, and resulted in only one meeting of the Assembly in January 1918 before the All Russian Constituent Assembly was dismissed by the Bolshevik party via the “Draft Decree”; this act of dismissal of the democratically elected government not only put Lenin’s Soviet dictatorship in power, but also caused a lack of law, equality and freedom within Russia.


1. (a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma?  According to Source A, the Kadet Party urged to support the state Duma because they wanted to help their homeland.  They wanted to establish peace and make Russia stronger.
(b) What is the message of Document E? The message conveyed by Document E, is that the Bolsheviks cannot be stopped, that the Mensheviks or Social Revolutionaries will not hold them down, and that they are not hesitant in using force.

2. Using Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party? According to Document C, Lenin and Stalin used censorship and the elimination of any opposition in order to secure the supremacy of the party. It also highlights the importance of the “active participation in Soviet and Party work” and shows that he used threats to ensure that, whoever doesn’t abide by their demands, will suffer the “immediate expulsion from the Party”. Document D explains that Lenin and Stalin secured the supremacy by creating an “internal unity” and “unexampled cohesion”. Also it removed itself from any corruption and destroyed the opposition, taking as an example the Mensheviks. Source D also explains that they were able to secure supremacy by spreading the spirit and devotion of the working class and was “armed with a revolutionary theory”. According to Document E, they were able to secure supremacy by using force (as shown by the gun in the Bolsheviks hand) and by not letting the Mensheviks or Social Revolutionaries stop them. The poster shows how Stalin used propaganda to ensure the supremacy.

 3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. Document A is a contemporary official document, an appeal from the Kadet party and was created on the 3rd of March, 1917. The document’s purpose is to convey the Kadet Party’s message, and furthermore this is also a value because it shows historians studying the Russian Revolution the aims and gives background information to the party’s purpose and its stance on the overthrow of the Romanov dynasty. A limiting factor of the source is that one does not know to whom the appeal is directed, furthermore, the content of the appeal might have been altered to fit its audience. Document B is an extract from a speech/lecture given by the American historian Richard Pipes. The purpose of Document B is to educate about the Revolution in 1917 and its facts. The source’s value lies within the fact that it is written in retrospect to the actual events and because of that is backed with facts and written in hindsight. The fact that the lecture was given over 78 years after the actual event suggests that Pipes was able to use materials from the archives, and furthermore another value would be the abundance of facts and numbers of the Source. However, the reader does not know where Pipes has got these numbers from, and this would be a limiting factor since the Source might have exaggerated numbers.

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime based on “law, equality and freedom” [Document A] was not fulfilled. The Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime based on “law, equality and freedom” can either considered reached, or failed. The following essay will take into consideration Richard Pipe’s opinion that a regime based on the three principles was not fulfilled, and will offer, based on Documents A to E, a perspective that believes that the three principles within a regime, were indeed reached. Russia’s new regime, even though only in power for a short time, was able to be call itself the supporter of law, equality and freedom. Even though in some circumstances, such as that of Lenin’s taking power, the aspects of equality and law might were pushed into the foreground. The strong contrast to the Romanov’s autocratic regime also had an effect on how the new regime was viewed by the people of Russia. Source A supports this view, and argues that with the new regime, Russia had more freedoms, and that the principle of freedom was embraced by the parties. It also emphasizes on the difference of the new regime to the old, by stating that “the old regime has gone”. Russia for the first time had free and democratic elections, and this fact would strongly support the fact that equality in combination with the law, were installed. On the other hand however, the wish was not fulfilled due to state-police, oppression, censorship and elimination of opposition. The dream of a regime that would be based on law, equality and freedom was destroyed, according to Document B, when the Bolsheviks took power after only gaining “24% of the votes and as a result “dismissed the Assembly and set themselves up as a one-party state”. This act took away the freedom of other parties to be part of the new regime, and completely ignored the people’s wish for equality. In addition, the “purging of reformists” and “opportunist pollution” (Document D), in other words, the opposition, ensured that there would be no chance of a fair, multi-party regime. The ferocity with which the Bolsheviks broke away from the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries can also be seen in Source E, where the Bolshevik is portrayed as a powerful man carrying a weapon with a clenched fist.
An important factor to consider as well is the oppression and regime of terror that followed Lenin’s set up of the Cheka in December 1917. This secret police force arrested anyone who spoke out against the government, and its headquarters eventually became known for its torture and executions. The Cheka can be seen to represent the opposite of the three ideals that the people of Russia wanted to have, and when Lenin dismissed the Constituent Assembly in January 1918, it was clear that the Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime based on law, equality and freedom would not be fulfilled. In summary, even though there were elections, and there were more freedoms in comparison to the Czar’s rule, the Central Committee’s wish was not fulfilled because of Lenin’s drive for a single-party state and the elimination of any opposition through the Cheka.


1a. According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the state Duma
According to Document A, the Kadet Party is urged to support the Duma to liberate Russia from the external enemy and establish peace inside Russia under the guidelines of law, equality and freedom, after having abolished the old regime, for the good of Russia.
1b. What is the message of Document E?
Document E’s message is an official poster of the unmovable proletariat, presumably personifying the Bolshevik Party (the current ruling government), being pulled on by two personifications of the more moderate socialist factions showing their wish to end the Proletariat (Bolshevik) revolution. The worker is walking away from the bustling factories seen by the rising smoke, towards what the reader can assume is a battle, seen by the rifle in his right hand.

2. Using the Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party
Document C shows Lenin’s desire to use the Party congress (the whole party) to allow for ‘essential criticisms’ of the party but only in that sphere, not in small groups, which are to be dispersed with the threat of expulsion if not, as the party was surrounded by enemies. In all other spheres, total adherence to party policy and the position of the party is mandatory. Stalin, in Document D calls on the proletariat more generally in a slightly coaxing manner to use their ‘spirit and selfless devotion’, to support the dictatorship of the proletariat, being the Bolshevik party. Moreover, Stalin calls on all opportunist and reformist ‘pollution’ to be purged from the party, as were the Mensheviks in time past. This ‘pollution’ that must be purged is seen in the Stalinist propaganda poster, which shows the Mensheviks and Social revolutionaries as literally holding back the somewhat unfazed proletariat in his revolutionary pursuit. All the sources aim to unify the Bolshevik party by calling members to fall into line, purging all internal and external dissent and the propaganda poster (source E) demonizes other parties, in so doing, placing themselves firmly on the side of the proletariat and cementing their supremacy.

3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B
Document A differs from Document B in that it is a primary source issued at the time of the revolution from the Petrograd central committee of the Kadet political party. It urges its members and the general public to discard the old tsarist regime and embrace the new provisional government, and in so doing has the value of showing the official political line taken by the Kadet party in the early days of the revolution.
Document B, on the other hand, is a secondary source given in a lecture 78 years after the 1917, by a pre-eminent expert of the period and author of ‘The Russian Revolution’. For that reason it has the value of hindsight, emotional and otherwise separation from events, as well as a wealth of information that Document A was unable to take into account, mot notably Soviet archives made available after the fall of the Soviet Union. His use of statistical analysis lends weight to his argument although it should not entirely be taken at face value and as always need multi-source verification. A reason to be somewhat skeptical of Pipe’s viewpoint is that he is of Polish origin and as a result may hold some resentment towards the nation that caused many of the woes experienced by his native country in the 20th century under a communist regime.

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the central committee’s wished to establish a regime based on ‘law, equality and freedom’ (Document A) was not fulfilled.
The failure of the principles of ‘law equality and freedom’ principles lies with the failure of the provisional government (central committee), and the success of the Bolshevik’s to take power. This may seem a simple conclusion, but in it lays complexity.
After the February revolution the provisional government did not exit the First World War and so many of the food supply shortages eg. Bread riots that had caused the initial revolution ensued. Moreover, disastrous and costly (in both men and material) offensive’s such as the Kerensky offensive, whose namesake sat at the helm of the provisional government, further weakened the government. Neither land reform nor elections were held. For all these reasons people saw little difference between the central committee negligence and the Tsar incompetence. This left the general populous with not much desire to defend the provisional government from counter revolution, and when this was held in concert with Lenin’s duplicity of aims, seen in Document B, a Bolshevik reshuffle did not seem so terrible. So in October, when Lenin declared to the people what they had been so wishing for, ‘Peace, Bread and Land’ the general populous was not so reluctant to allow the Bolsheviks to take power. With the Central Committee no longer in power it seemed far less likely that their regime of ‘law, equality and freedom’ would be enacted.
After the October revolution in which the Bolsheviks took power, it did appear at first, according to Document B, that the Bolsheviks would adhere to the law of free and fair elections. However, after the somewhat unsurprising result of 24 % (a minority) for the Bolsheviks in the constituent assembly, Lenin did not feel this played into his vision of the dictatorship of the proletariat and set up the Bolsheviks as the totalitarian one party state, and dismissed the constituent assembly. This one party state, during the Russian Civil War, felt it pertinent for their own survival to limit freedom of speech, even the party members seen in Document C. Not only did the now named Communist party limit internal dissent but they also violently repressed real and imaginary threats of counter-revolution between 1918 and 1922. This period, that later became known as the Red Terror, was the implementation of Lenin’s ideas put forth in ‘the state of revolution’ (1917). It discarded any remembrance of the ideas of the central committee and outlined in Source A with freedom and equality effectively disappearing, seen in the numerous strikes taking place in Tula, Orel, Tver, Ivanovo and Astrakhan where demands generally involved elimination of privileges for Bolsheviks, freedom of press, and free elections. These strikes, almost without exception, resulted in arrests and executions of strikers at the hands of the Checka. Limits to political equality and freedom extended to all other political parties and movements such as the Mensheviks whose purging is unambiguously seen in Stalin’s writing in Source D. To say ‘law’ categorically was not fulfilled would be wrong, as Lenin’s government had a law according to his ideology and writings, but the law being fulfilled was not the law expressed by the central committee in the optimistic days of the February revolution, but Lenin’s law of revolution. Lenin’s government did not have the intention of creating a regime of ‘law, equality and freedom’ and they did not.



1 a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma? According to the central committee of the Kadet Party the Duma needs to be supported to be “united in the name of the salvation of our homeland (Russia)” which involves “liberating Russia from the external enemy and establishing peace”. The other reason is because the Duma has removed the old regime and thus must be supported. 
1 b) What is the message of Document E? The message of the poster seems to be that firstly the Party is one of strength this is shown by it dwarfing the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries in stature. The second is that the Party is being hindered by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries as they seem to be hanging onto the coat of the Bolshevik in order to stop his progression forward. The third is that both those hanging onto the coat of the Bolshevik are dressed in a stereotypically bourgeoise way perhaps indicating that there real ideals lie with Bourgeois thinking. 

2. Using Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party. All three sources seem to project the method to guarantee the supremacy of the party was through removing “enemies” of the party. In source C Lenin’s resolution explicitly orders the “dispersal of all groups, without exception.” and goes on to order that if anyone within the congress goes against this it will lead to immediate expulsion from the party. This seems to have many similarities to the tactics put forward by Stalin in Source D in which he writes that the way that the “proletariat parties” can develop is by purging themselves of opportunists and reformers. This seems to be echoed by Source E which seemingly presents the Stalinist view that there are those trying to stop the revolution and they must be moved away from. However the three documents go about this in different way. The resolution by Lenin doesn’t mention specifically the enemies of the party whereas. Whereas source D mentions the Mensheviks as being specifically the “destroyers” and source E portrays both the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries holding back the party’s process. 

3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. Document A is valuable as it is a primary source from a large political group involved in the revolution and written just after it, this gives a unique view of the events from a first hand source.It also gives the official views of the organisation which allows us to determine the views that the officials of the party wished to be expressed. The limitations of such a source are that firstly because it’s official it will be attempting to give perhaps a glorified view of the role of the Kadet Party within the revolution. It also doesn’t mention any other belligerents in the revolution and instead focusses only on the role of the Kadets which perhaps gives the impression that the Kadets where one of the only groups involved which I know not to be true. Document B is valuable as it has been written after the opening of the archives of the Soviet Union which would allow him to have far more access to documents which would have been suppressed by the Bolsheviks later. It also comes from a well respected historian who has been studying the
revolution for many years at thus would hopefully be able to combine his research into a more objective view. However he comes from America which would perhaps mean that he has a more westernised view of the revolution and the ensuing Soviet Union. 

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the central committees wish to establish a regime based on law, equality and freedom [Document A] was not fulfilled. The primary reason for the failures of the central committee to create a regime based on law, equality and freedom is the collapse of the provisional government due to a lack of popular support this goes against the method set out in document A which puts forward the opinion that the only way the central committee can achieve it’s aims if the people heed the call to “Forget all your party, class, estate and national differences.” and since the Bolsheviks rose up and overthrew the central committee later that year they clearly didn’t maintain this popular support. This lack of support was caused by, amongst other things, the central committees refusal to pull out of the First World War. As well as the continuation of Bourgeois rule which goes against the very nature of having an egalitarian government. Under the Bolshevik government these ideals of law, equality and freedom seem to have been further unreachable, this can be seen by the creation of the secret Soviet police force the Cheka which attempted to purge and remove enemies from the party impeding upon supposedly better future of the regime. This can be seen as a major breach of political freedom and is clearly shown to have occurred both under Lenin and Stalin as shown in the reference to the persecution of the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries shown in documents C, D and E. I also know from my studies that these situations did not improve once the Bolsheviks removed the central committee as these issues where exacerbated by the Russian Civil War which caused much widespread famine and horrific numbers of deaths.


1a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma? It is urged to do so because the Duma has “united in the name of the salvation of our homeland.” This will be external, because through supporting it , it will allow the Duma to complete it's task of “liberating Russia from the external enemy,” and internally to “[establish] peace inside Russia on the basis of law, equality and freedom.” 
1b) What is the message of Document E? Document E's message is that the Mensheviks and the Social Revolutionaries are working to to stop the revolution. However, it also shows that they will not succeed – the party representing the revolution (which we can assume to the be the Bolsheviks) is far larger and stronger, and already appears to be moving forward, unhindered by their efforts. 

Using Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party. First, both Lenin and Stalin worked to unite people to create a very strong Party, Stalin saying (in Document D) that they would “absorb all the best elements of the working class, their experience, their revolutionary spirit, their selfless devotion to the cause,” and Lenin mentioning (in Document C) that “anyone making criticisms must take into account the position of the Party, surrounded by enemies and also must strive to correct the mistakes of the Party by active personal participation in the Soviet and Party work.” This shows two methods through which Lenin did this – first, he highlighted the fact that they had enemies, creating the idea of an 'us' and a 'them', and secondly through saying that anyone with criticisms would not be punished, but should use them to personally improve the party. This meant even though who disagreed were given the impression that they could have a say and be include, strengthening the party. Second of all, both Stalin and Lenin used their enemies to their advantage. Both of them worked to create a sense of fear of both the enemies, and what would happen if they themselves were perceived as the enemy. Document E, a propaganda poster by Stalin, shows that there is opposition to the party, and names them, to create a sense that there is a battle between very specific groups. Stalin also uses very expressive language in Document D, explaining that the party remained strong as it was able to “purge” itself of the “opportunist pollution”, and get rid of the “destroyers, the Mensheviks.” Through the idea that the party would exist only through cleaning itself of the enemy, and using very convincing language to explain how detrimental the Mensheviks were, it gives anyone in the Party now and idea that if they do not show “spirit” and “selfless devotion” towards the party they will suffer the same fate. Finally, Lenin, in Document C, conveys the same message, but achieves the affect in a different way – there is no use of this emotive language, instead it is straightforward and formal (although his word choice is still strong, he says “without exception”, giving his resolution an unforgiving air, and his use of the word “execute” when discussing his plan is seemingly ominous.) He uses this concept of fear both to show that the party is surrounded by enemies, as Stalin did, through “surrounded by enemies,” and also fear of the consequences if one does not stick to the Party's policies - “the immediate dispersal of all groups,” and that failure to do this would result in “unconditional and immediate expulsion” from the Party. 

With references to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. The origin of Document A is an appeal from the Central Committee of the Kadet Party, and was written in March 3rd, 1917. This makes it a primary source, and therefore can show directly what the Kadet party wished to communicate to both their members (the purpose of writing the appeal), and to the wider public, with is a value. This is specifically shown by the word “appeal” - this makes it very clear that it wishes to convince people of its aims. This adds a further value, it is a document that supports The State Duma, (the Provisional Government), and can therefore show us an anti-revolutionary view. However, this is also a limitation, as it is only an appeal to support the Duma, and therefore one cannot know the response to it, or how many people were in support of its aims, which individuals wrote it, how it was distributed, or if it even had an impact on the people who received it. The origin of Document B is a secondary source from 1995, which is an extract from a lecture given by American historian Richard Pipes. The fact that he was giving a lecture means that the purpose was to educate a group of people who would most likely be interested in this topic. This mean that he was probably giving it to a group of people who almost certainly had previous knowledge of the issue – this means that he would have been able to express more complex ideas, which is a value. Also, through giving this lecture in 1995, the archives would have been opened, allowing him access to a large variety of primary sources, which he appears to make use of through statistics such as “24% of the votes” (although he does not site where this information is from). It would also allow him to approach the topic with hindsight, and the ability to place the events in the context of events that occurred later. However, this presents a limitation as well – as a historian, he will have developed his own personal perspective of events, meaning that he could be selecting information and sources that best suit his argument. 

Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime based on 'law, equality and freedom' [Document A] was not fulfilled.There are a multitude of factors that led to the collapse of the Provisional Government, which Document A viewed as a regime based on “law, equality and freedom,” and they stemmed from both the strengths (and weaknesses) of political parties involved, as well as a general sense of weariness on behalf of the populace. The strength of the policies of the Bolsheviks is perhaps the key driving point. The basic concept of how they took power can be perfectly summarised through Document E. First of all, it is an official propaganda poster, created by Stalin. This demonstrates that the party actually focused on the importance of people, and worked to win their support. It plants the idea in their minds of the strength of the Bolshevik party – the tiny men representing the opposition are clearly labelled 'Mensheviks' and 'Social Revolutionaries' and are just barely managing to hold onto the coat tails of the mighty Bolsheviks. This naming and shaming of enemies is a consistent policy that both Document C and Document D use – both Lenin and Stalin worked to scare their party members into staying loyal through “their revolutionary spirit” and their “selfless devotion to the cause of the proletariat.” They generated this fear through “the immediate dispersal of all groups,” or in Stalin's words their actions to “rid its ranks of the destroyers” and “purging themselves,” which meant to any Party member that if they were not loyal, they too would be “purged”. Historian Richard Pipes (who's view can be seen through Document B), presents a less personal view than these primary sources, but asserts the same thing, lending weight to the claims made above. He uses specific figures to demonstrate the immense power of the Bolsheviks. He states that although they did hold elections, they only received 24% of the vote, resulting in their dismissal of the Assembly to set themselves up as a one Party state. Where the Provisional Government could not even pass decrees due to the limiting orders written by the Petrograd Soviet, the Bolsheviks completely ignored formalities when they did not suit them, and did as they pleased. This no-mercy regime worked in perfect harmony with the attitude of the people to create a situation where the appeal of Document A was not even a viable option. Document A provides no real propaganda, no expulsion of enemies, no true power, and instead asks the people to “have confidence in this regime.” In light of the recent events, this concept seems quite ridiculous. After the Romanov empire, which governed for hundreds of years since 1613 was suddenly turned over, after soldiers had been engaged in a war in which the terrible defeats at Masurian Lakes and Tannenberg where only 10,000 of the 150,000 men in the Russian Second Army managed to escape, asking them to simply 'have confidence in something' was a ridiculous notion. The Provisional Government was undoubtedly weak, and this was communicated in full to the people. Right from the start, it had had to split its power with the Petrograd Soviet, as Order Number One stated that the populace should only obey the Provisional Government is the Soviet agreed with it. This meant that, especially as its role as a provisional government, it had not managed to bring peace to Russia, as illustrated by the mention of Masurian Lakes and Tannenburg. Furthermore, the only reforms that it did make were to abolish the Okhrana and press censorship, and allow political freedom. This meant that parties such as the Bolsheviks now had the freedom to attack the Provisional Government for the problems it was not solving. The results of this were that the people did not defend the Provisional Government. As Richard Pipes in Document B puts it, “it seemed to be just another of the government crises that had been occurring with increasing frequency since the Tsar abdicated” and that “it was widely believed that as soon as the Constituent Assembly had met the Bolshevik Government would yield power.” This highlights the attitudes of the Russian people – the system in place was not solving their problems, Government crises were frequent, and this would be just yet another. This non-plussed, weary attitude meant that no one had “confidence” in anything, nor did they particularly care about the government ruling system – and with nothing to fight for the appeal of Document A, the assertion of power that Lenin undertook was all too easy.


1. (a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma? (2)
Because the State Duma represents all parties, and its purpose is saving Russia, which should be a cause that unites all those concerned with Russia's future.

(b) What is the message of Document E? (2)
Document E portrays the Bolsheviks as representative of the common people (which one can discern from the large figure's basic dress) while the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries are portrayed as upper-class ninnies with top hats and suits. The Bolshevik revolutionary is also much larger than the Menshevik and Social Revolutionary, showing how powerless the latter parties were to stop the revolution.

2. Using Documents C, D, and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure the supremacy of the party. (5)
According to Document C Lenin worked to secure the supremacy of the Party (capital P) by making all other groups and parties illegal and punishable by expulsion from the Party, so that they would be less "surrounded by enemies." Basically, if the Bolsheviks were the only party then they would have to be the most supreme party. Also, Document C says that any criticism of the Party should not be concerning the Party as a whole but of its imperfect members or as a result of its circumstances.
In Document D Stalin says they worked to secure the supremacy of the Party through "absorbing all the best elements of the working class," but remaining ultimately in control of the proletariat (because of their knowledge of revolutionary theory). Also, the Party achieved what it did through becoming internally united through the purge of "opportunists and reformists."
Document E supports Document D in that it suggests that the Party gained power because they represented and supported the masses, unlike the other parties. It also suggests that they gained supremacy through their strength and use of force (as shown by the revolutionary's size and his carrying of a gun). The other parties were just too weak to resist.

3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. (5)
Document A's origin is valuable as it is from the most powerful body of the Kadet Party, an official organization that would have significantly more knowledge of governmental affairs than the common man, right after the February Revolution and consequent rise to power of the Provisional Government. However the source is limited in that we do not know the size, scope, and views of the Kadet Party. The Document's purpose seems to be to persuade all of the Russian masses to unify in their support the State Duma, a purpose valuable when considering this time period as it seems to suggest a desire for cooperation and unity in the post-revolution government. But our knowledge of its purpose is also limited because we do not know if this statement was in response to widespread action contrary to this message of collaboration, or even if the Kadet Party have been compelled to write this by another organization.

Document B, being part of a lecture from historian Richard Pipes in 1995, is valuable in that he is a historian known for his work concerning this time period in Russia and thus has extensive knowledge of the matter. Also, Pipes would have had access to the opened Soviet archives, from which he could gain valuable information. However, the source may be limited in that Richard Pipes is also of Polish origin, in which case he would have reason to have resentment towards the creation of the Soviet Union and those who lead it. This aspect of the source would also be limiting to the purpose, to inform listeners about the manner in which the Bolshevik Party took over of Russia because of this possible resentment. But his exceptional knowledge of the matter, as elaborated on before, is possibly of greater value, in terms of his purpose to inform, than the limitations.

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the Central Committee's wish to establish a regime based on "law, equality, and freedom" [Document A] was not fulfilled. (6)
According to Document B a regime based on "law, equality, and freedom" was unable to be established because of Lenin's devious, misleading tactics. He portrayed the new government not as Bolshevik but as Soviet, and called the government he set up after the October Revolution a "Provisional Government," giving the impression that he would relinquish power once the Constituent Assembly met and elections occurred. Thus the opposition was not prepared for Lenin's disregard of the election results (the Social Revolutionaries won) and his setting up of a one party state. Document C also suggests that this forceful manner in which Lenin banned all opposing parties and limited criticism of the Communist Party was key. The Bolsheviks were previously seen to be just a flash in the pan.
Document D suggests that the hopes of "law, equality, and freedom" were dashed because the Communist Party leaders felt the need to control the proletariat and purge any party-critical thought, claiming that they knew best because of their exclusive knowledge of revolutionary theory. Document E intimates that the dreams of the February Revolution failed because the Bolsheviks were too forceful to be stopped and too determined to gain power by any means necessary. The Kornilov affair, in which General Kornilov attempted a pro-tsarist coup de tat of the Provisional Government, had resulted in the release of many Bolsheviks from prison as well as the arming of the Bolsheviks. This only allowed them to gain power faster.
Bolshevik propaganda, such as the slogans "peace, bread, land" and "all power to the Soviets" as well as the Pravda newspaper, garnered support for the Bolsheviks from the masses, whom only realized the party's true motives once it was too late. The Germans were, in fact, financing the Bolshevik propaganda machine because of the party's desire to withdraw Russia from WWI. On top of this, Lenin was a convincing speaker and a determined, organized leader with a trained Bolshevik army (under Leon Trotsky). Lenin and a select few other leaders would give orders to the soviets, who would pass the orders on to the factories. They were able to quickly gain an obedient and fervent following.


Paper 1 1. (a) According to Document A why is the Kadet Party urged to support the State Duma? It is urged to support the State Duma to unify and to make the homeland stronger such that it could liberate itself from the external enemy and establish peace. (b) What is the message of Document E? The message of Document E is that the Bolsheviks, represented by the big man with the rifle, are certainly stronger than the other parties in the government, represented in this cartoon by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. The Bolsheviks are evidently stronger as the figure is much larger than those figures of the other parties. The other parties are trying to restrain the Bolsheviks, which is evidently unsuccessful, as they are too weak. The Bolsheviks cannot be stopped. The message is also that the Bolsheviks represent the people of Russia, deduced from the figures clothing, which is that of workmen or farmers, while the smaller figures are dressed in Bourgeoisie clothing, meaning their parties represent the wealthy minority. 

2. Using Documents C, D and E explain how Lenin and Stalin worked to secure supremacy of the party. Both Document C and D create an Us vs. Them mentality. In Source C Lenin refers to enemies and in Document D Stalin particularly attacks the Mensheviks as such. Both sources create a clear line between their party and those that do not support its views. This is supported by Document E, in which Stalin clearly portrays who the enemies of the party are and how they are trying to prevent the Bolsheviks from success. This is supported by Document C, in which Lenin threatens party members with expulsion, with the aim of creating a tight and strong party. Furthermore, this is highlighted by Document D, in which Stalin talks about “internal unity” and purging of corruption within the party. Finally, the supremacy of the party is indicated in Document D by suggesting that it aims at becoming the Vanguard. This is supported by Document E, which clearly shows how the Bolshevik party is prepared to walk ahead as leader of the revolution. This propaganda also portrays enemy parties as weak, and through the common clothing of the Bolshevik figure, Stalin ensures that the people of Russia are spoken to through this poster. 

3. With reference to their origin and purpose assess the value and limitations for historians studying the Russian Revolution of Documents A and B. Document A is an appeal from the Central Committee of the Kadet Party, thus, an official speech, which shows how the supporters of the Duma represented their views, with the purpose of persuading other parties to support them. Looking at the date, 3rd of March 1917, shows that this appeal was made only days before the Revolution really started, which makes it valuable as it shows how desperately in need of support the Duma was. However, this source is limited as it is very naïve, open and vague. There are no specific facts, for example how much support the Duma actually had, and neither does the source
give any specifics as to how the Duma would keep its promises and why the Kadet Party should support it particularly. Document B is part of a published lecture from Richard Pipes, held in 1995. Seeing as it was a lecture, a lot of research must have gone into this Document. Also looking at the date, 1995, shows that this was after the collapse of the Soviet Union, meaning the historian had possible access to Soviet archives. The tone of the document is highly articulate and very sophisticated, however, the document clearly is not objective. Pipes appears to be selecting facts for his own benefit and it is questionable, where Pipes would have found evidence to support many of his claims made. 

4. Using these documents and your own knowledge explain why the Central Committee’s wish to establish a regime based on “law, equality and freedom” was not fulfilled. The Central Committee’s wish was not fulfilled for various reasons as shown in Documents B-E. Document B suggests that Lenin only used the dual power with his party and the Central Committee and other bodies of the government to shift to unitary power, suggesting he used “law, equality and freedom” simply as an excuse to come to power. Document C shows how members of his party were treated not with equality and just law, but with threat of expulsion. The source also shows that, by referring to enemies, Lenin had no intention of collaborating in order to establish the regime the Central Committee desired. Similar attitudes can be detected from Stalin in Document D and E. In Document E he also speaks of enemies, taking the situation further by elaborating on the purge of unwanted members in the party, suggesting the party’s regime was not based on justice or freedom. Document E highlights the way Stalin portrays Bolshevik enemies as not being representatives of the people (Bourgeoisie clothing) and not taking into consideration the interests of the people as they are trying to stop the Revolution (caption). As well as this, there are many other factors that play into the Central Committee’s failure to implement this regime. Primarily, the Bolsheviks created a totalitarian state, reigned by terror. According to Lenin, “the dictatorship of the proletariat” was necessary until Russia was changed into a Communist country. The secret police, Cheka, arrested, tortured and killed all opponents of his regime, spreading fear throughout the country. Another factor that played into this was the Russian Civil War between 1917-22. By the end of it, the country was in complete ruins, socially as well as economically. There had been a serious famine in 1921, diseases reached pandemic proportions with 3 million people dying of typhus alone in 1920 and by 1922 there were an estimated of 7 million children on the street. Clearly, the Central Committee had failed to create a government policy of law, equality and freedom.