To what extent is Deng Xiao Ping ultimately responsible for the declaration of martial law on the student protesters on June the 4th 1989?
Abstract: 455 words
Tiananmen Square, if not the most important political site within modern day China, has remained a centre piece of the Communist party. It has enormous symbolic importance, and always has been ever since a century ago, it being the place where people appear when they are unhappy and want to be heard'. Tiananmen to this day remains a place of overwhelming significance to the Chinese people.
Tiananmen Square, is remembered for both its triumphant and horrific moments in time. The founding of the Peoples Republic of China took place in Tiananmen Square, moreover the beginning of the 'Cultural Revolution' was initiated, as was the 'Student Democracy Movement' of 1989, with Tiananmen as the centerpiece. After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, China's economy began to open up. One of the major architects, of these new economic booms was Deng Xiaoping. Economically China was opening up at an astounding rate, yet, politically China was not ready to change. During the Spring of 1989, following the death of Hu Yaobang (One of greatest modern day China reformers). The death of Mr. Hu Yaobang triggered the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre. Thousands of people took to the streets in protest, with Tiananmen Square as the focal point. The Chinese leadership responded by declaring Martial Law on the students on June 4th 1989.
The Tiananmen demonstrations will go down in 20th century Chinese history as one of the most momentous events. Many questions, today (over 15 years after the Tiananmen Massacre), remain unanswered, particularly the question of Who is to Blame? The Communist party as a whole? Or does the responsibility fall on just a few individuals? Studying history allows a person to delve into the past, and extract important forgotten facts. The substance of history does not just lie in what one knows of the past, but it also lies in understanding the biases that may remain. It is not until one has a clear picture of history, based on many different standpoints, that important
Introduction:
After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, many former leaders that were purged during the 'Cultural Revolution' were rehabilitated by the party. The most famous being Deng Xiaoping. He was able to emerge and become the unofficial leader of China. By carefully mobilizing his supporters within the communist party, he was able to outmanoeuvre Hua Guofeng (Mao's appointed successor) in 1981. This increased his power insurmountably within the government. In addition to replacing the leader, with the help of his high level friends, he started the 'Beijing Spring". By doing this he was able to remove many high level officials, who had the Cultural Revolution to thank for rising to power."
Though Deng Xiaoping, did a lot to improve the situation within the government, in addition to being the founding father of modern China. Deng Xiaoping's economic reforms in the late 70s brought a measure of freedom to practice, but only if religious belief was subordinated to government control. Deng believed that "to get rich is glorious", but was still an adamant believer in political, stability and control. Similarly this would be seen during the democracy movement of 1989, with his unyielding support of the military initiating Martial Law on parts of Beijing on June 4th. Many therefore blame Deng Xiaoping directly for the Tiananmen Massacre, as it is known that Deng had vast influence over important decisions in the party.
However can Deng Xiaoping individually take all of the blame for the Tiananmen massacre? Or was he forced into sidelining with hardliners in the party? The question of how much Deng should be blamed for the Tiananmen massacre is not as easy as it seems. Even though Deng did have a lot of say in the party's decision making, through times of political turmoil the CCP (Chinese Communist Party) was not as united as it made out to be10. Deng may have been forced into sidelining with one group (the majority); what if he sidelined with the liberal reformers (i.e. against the declaration of 'Martial Law')? Only after a careful assessment of relevant documents 5 Sarah Sanderson King, Donald P. Cushman Political Communication: Engineering Visions of Order in the Socialist World Page 119. The Beijing Spring was set up to allow open criticisms of the had that occurred and suffering the "Cultural during the period of excesses Revolution."
such as those of the "Tiananmen Papers" can a conclusion be written.
By Analyzing the importance of Deng Xiaoping, as a reformer and his role in Tiananmen one can draw closer parallels with his position regarding Martial Law. Furthermore by linking 'the importance of Deng and his role in Tiananmen' with the 'The split within the Party' one will be able to evaluate Deng in further detail. What was his association with the 6 groups within the party? Did he only belong to one or can it be construed that he was in multiple groups? Lastly it is also very significant in scrutinizing the positions of other high level officials, if Deng Xiaoping is not fully to blame, then it is exceedingly important to look at other important party leaders and their roles. People such as Zhao Ziyang, Li Peng, Yang Shangkun and other leaders will be assessed.
The importance of Deng Xiaoping's role:
Since his second political rehabilitation in 1977, Deng had only one purpose in mind... to realize his desire for the future of China." Along with the strong backing of Ye Janying (Vice-chairman of the Party until 1982 when the position was abolished) and other party veterans, also with the overwhelming support of the People's Liberation Army, at the Third Plenary Session of the Tenth Central Committee, Deng Xiaoping was reinstated as Vice Chairman of the Central Committee, Vice-Premier of the Central Committee, Vice-Premier of State Council, Vice- Chairman of the Military Commission and Chief of the General Staff of the People's Liberation Army. In March 1978 he was elected Chairman of the Fifth national Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. 13 This demonstrates exactly how important Deng Xiaoping was to the party. Within 2 years of the death of former leader Mao Zedong, Deng was able to rise up inside the CCP.14
The importance of Deng Xiaoping's role in the Tiananmen Massacre can already be seen from his position within the party. In such a short time he was able to rise up the party, and gain support all along the way. He gained most of his support from effectively being able to 'save' the Chinese Economy, by completely changing the constitution." He stated that it was imperative for China to hang on to its socialist traditions of the past, but at the same time allowing for economic openness. Thus from the many statements he made, he still was a firm believer in control of the country primarily through the Communist Party.
In recently revealed documents, On the Morning of May 17th the Standing committee met at Deng Xiaoping's home to discuss the implementation of Martial Law. (Words from Deng Xiaoping) After thinking long and hard about this, I've concluded that we should bring in the People's Liberation Army and declare martial law in Beijing-more precisely, in Beijing's urban districts. The aim of martial law will be to suppress the turmoil once and for all and to return things quickly to normal. This is the unsinkable duty of the Party and the government. I am solemnly proposing this today to the Standing Committee of the Politburo and hope you will consider it." Nevertheless many intellectuals, Western and Chinese alike, believe that the Tiananmen Papers have fundamental flaws; flaws that are of such significance that it proves the illegitimacy of the documents. Intellectuals such as Alfred L. Chan, believes that the many errors and imperfections found inside the book proves that such documentation couldn't have existed. I would directly suggest that almost all the most important so called "documents" in TS/TP are in actuality fabricated or reconstructed from lesser materials, and that there is little evidence of CNR/ Disidai containing any secret dossiers whatsoever."
The Tiananmen Massacre, was not the first time Deng had put down, a pro democracy movement. In 1979, 10 years before the 1989 declaration of Martial Law, Deng was an active member in cracking down on a group of intellects that had used the sudden Economic Boom in China as a means of being heard and demanding change the political structure of the country. Many of the intellectuals, including, Ma Tianyan, a former party journalist was locked up for 12 years for conspiracy to try and expose party secrets. This charge was unfounded as Ma never dared to reveal anything to the public about the inner workings of the Party. Nonetheless the only crime he committed in context to with Chinese Law, was speak his mind.
However only once a careful assessment of the 'Divisions within the Communist Party' can a truc evaluation of Deng Xiaoping's power in the decision to implement Martial Law be analyzed. In Addition understanding the key positions (and their roles) of other important party leaders is paramount in being able to fully answer the question.
The split within the party
The Basic struggle within the communist party was between the 'Conservatives' (people who above all valued the strength and stability of the CCP), and the 'Liberal Reformers' (people who wanted to loosen political proximity).20 The Communist's Party's greatest problem was the internal dispute between the Conservatives and the Reformers. As China's economy started to boom, it was evident that there would certainly be a split of opinion on the highest levels inside the Communist Party. Liberals such as Zhao Ziyang, and Hu Yaobang were avid believers in not only economic openness, but also political reform. The Conservatives inside the party wished to continue China's new economic policies, despite wanting to keep a firm hold on the political future. Believing that political control was essential in order to maintain the peace, but also help China Grow.
The disagreements over the pace of reform and the role of the communist government in the Chinese State, led to the slaughter of demonstrators and innocents alike.22 In Beijing, this was really an extension of an earlier dispute about reform within the CCP that resulted in the dismissal of CCP general secretary Hu Yaobang approximately two years earlier. After the death of Hu Yaobang on April 15th, 1989 the situation not just on the streets, but also inside the Party, had reached Boiling point. Events such as his death, are likely to create paralysis, thus delaying the ability of the CCP to react and potentially exacerbating any crisis.23
Dispute within the party was even deeper than that of Conservatives and Reformers. Within the two comparative ideologies of the party, there were also splits inside the groups that slowed the decision making process down immensely. Even when it came to key issues, such as how to handle the 1989 protests, it was a painstaking process that took much longer to reach a verdict than was desired. Within the Conservative faction there were 6 prevailing groups that at many times opposed one and other. Even inside the Liberal section of the party, there was plenty of heated debate over important topics."
The Conservative Party Consisted of the Financial Conservatives, Moral Conservatives, Planning Conservatives, Ideological Conservatives, Vested Interest Conservatives, and Anti-foreign Conservatives:
The Financial Conservatives: The majority of the members seek stability, inevitability, and primary control over fiscal and monetary policies. Identifies Chen Yun (Born on June 3rd 1905 was one of the most influential leaders of the founding of the PRC) as the chief representative of this group, and furthermore seeks the Ministries of Finance and Central Banks as the primary institutions that contribute Party members to this group.
Moral Conservatives: Focuses on power and stability of the nation through a strong government. This group is firmly against political reform. Deng Xiaoping politically, was a member of this group, however economically he was not.
Planning Conservatives: A group that is a firm believer in the Stalinist command model of the economy. Primarily interested in seeking economic targets, economic quotas; while emphasizing the need for heavy industry.
Ideological Conservatives: Strongly Nationalistic. Dislike non-party experts (mainly intellectuals), and are usually against political reformers.
Vested Interest Conservatives: Seek to maintain power of strong institutions, in order to maintain power, for example, The Ministry of State Security, The Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), and The Public Security Bureau (PSB).
Anti-Foreign Conservatives: Like the Ideological Conservatives, this group, is also extremely nationalistic. Emphasising China's sense of being wronged in the past. Moreover also believe that foreigners living in China should have access to more privileges, such as designated hotels, and diplomatic shops. This way separating them from the general public (Very similar to North Korea Nowadays. People are forbidden to talk to another foreigner; in addition to also having delegated 'foreign areas', allowing the noose around foreigners to be tighter).
There are only two established groups inside the Reformers faction. Firstly the Strictly 'Economic Reformists, and also 'Political Reformers'.
Economic Reformers: Were frankly not as involved with the reform of The Political System. They were primarily interested with continuing to grow the Economy of the Country. Economically Deng Xiaoping, was a member of this group. Politically he was still highly conservative.
Political Reformers: Wanted not only economic stability and development, but also wanted a transition in Political Systems, to one of freedom and Democracy.
Economic Reformers thus only cared about the economic stability of China and did not take the interests of the Political Reformers into account. Consequently, there was thus a very clear split between the varying political groups within the Liberalists faction. Hence anything that involved split opinion on political issues of great importance, no agreement could be drawn. Deciding exactly what to do about the student protest movements took a lot longer than planned. However as the control over the situation fell out of the hands of the government, fewer and fewer alternatives could be utilized. Conservatives such as Li Peng stated that "If the protestors have their way, everything will vanish into thin air, and China will take a huge step backwards."25 Moreover Li Peng pushed for Martial Law, believing that the only possible means of saving the party and ending the student movements as swift as possible, was to send in the Peoples Liberation Army. Political Liberalists, most famously, Zhao Ziyang appealed for moderation, saying the student slogans uphold the constitution, promote Democracy and oppose corruption; all echoing positions of the Party and the Government. In addition affirming everyone's views that a quick diffusion of the situation would stop the protests from further getting out of hand.26 Even with the turmoil driving completely out of control, there were still disagreements over how the problem should be handled.
In spite of enormous problems regarding the current situation, an agreement was finally made. Most members in the party began to sideline with Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng.27 Firstly Martial Law seemed a much more rapid and easier process to go through than to give into the students demands. After all if they were to give into student demands then it would only be a matter of time that different groups of people use the Tiananmen Protests as a means to further push reform. Secondly Deng Xiaoping was extremely popular within the party, and when it came down to a yes or no answer regarding the supporting of the declaration of Martial Law, most party members sidelined with the hardliners.
Summary of Important Leaders and their roles:
Other than Deng Xiaoping there were other very significant higher level officials that played a major role in the events surrounding the Tiananmen Massacre. Leaders such as conservatives Li Peng, and Yang Shangkun voiced their support for Martial Law, where as Liberalists such as Zhao Ziyang, were against such measures. The liberal Hu Yaobang will also be discussed as his death was the main catalyst for the Student Protests.
Born in 1928 Li was an adopted son of Zhou Enlai. Unaffected by the Cultural Revolution, his influence continued to grow in the important power sector, culminating in his appointment as party secretary of the Beijing Power Administration in 1976. The same year, his foster father and premier of China passed away. No doubt Zhou Enlai's tutelage helped Li Peng ascend to the CCP's Central Committee at the 12th National Congress in 1982.28 To the Western World, Li is best remembered for his unwavering support to implement Martial Law on the Student protestors. Dubbed "The Butcher of Beijing"29, Li played a very decisive role in the dismissal and house arrest of Zhao Ziyang, who at that time was the general secretary of the Communist Party. He remained inside the Party till his retirement in 2003.
On June the 3rd, the day before the Tiananmen Massacre, Li Peng addressed the public, on a special broadcast that aimed in giving the protestors one more chance to leave the square, before it was out of their hands to control. We have to be absolutely firm in putting down this counter revolutionary riot in the capital. We must be merciless. Security forces are authorized to use any means necessary to deal with people who interfere with the mission. What happens will be the responsibility of those who do not heed warning and persist in testing the limits of the law.30 It is thus evident that Li Peng played a major role in instigating Martial Law, in addition one can just see how much power he must have had, after all it was him who gave the final warning to the students and citizens of Beijing that on the following day Martial Law would be in affect. Yang Shangkun served as the president of the Peoples Republic of China 1989-93. During the course of the protests Yang managed to support both hardliners and reformers. At first Yang sided with Zhao Ziyang, stating "[Zhao] Ziyang's notion of pacifying the student movement through democracy and law is good and seem quite workable right now."31 However once he learned, paramount leader, Deng Xiaoping's intentions to crack down, Yang quickly turned on Zhao Ziyang and sided with the orthodox party leaders. He used his power as the president to authorise Martial Law in cooperation with Deng Xiaoping. His nephew, Yang Jianhua, commanded the highly disciplined 27th army of the PLA (one of the two armies sent in to Beijing from Hu Bei to crush the protests).
Zhao Ziyang was a liberal reformist who was rehabilitated into the party in 1971. He served as premier from 1980-87, and was appointed general secretary of the Communist Party in 1987. He was criticized severely by hardliners for supporting the Democratic Movements and as a result was dismissed and put under house arrest till his death in 2005. Deng Xiaoping had reproached Zhao on more than one occasion, saying that he withdrew his views about Tiananmen, he would be reinstated. Zhao, however, refused and thus spent the rest of his life behind closed doors.
Hu Yaobang was one of the most liberal of all the party members. He was a protégé of Deng Xiaoping, he became general secretary in 1980, and part chairman in 1981 (replacing the dismissed Hua Guofen as party leader). Hu was said to have been far too sympathetic with student protest movements in 1987, and hence in the same year was forced out of office. In 1989 his death sparked a renewal of protests, this time in Tiananmen Square. Hu Yaobang's death is described by many in a quote Mao used to use, "The smallest spark, can ignite a prairie fire."
Thus through examining briefly the roles of important leaders in the Tiananmen Square Incident, one is able to perceive just how much power these individuals had, and how easy it was for this power to be taken away. The question of who was to lose and who was to gain, from the abstract, can easily be answered now. Zhao Ziyang and Hu Yaobang lost their positions, their reputations and their livelihood by taking such Liberal stances. People such as Yang Shang kun and Li Peng benefited largely from the protests, as Yang Shangkun was able to maintain his position as president of China, and Li Peng was able to maintain his position in the party. In addition he became Chairman of the National Peoples Congress from 1998-03.
Conclusion:
Deng Xiaoping cannot ultimately be blamed for the declaration of Martial Law. Deng, though unofficial leader of the government, was inside a system of government that was severely bipolar. Even within the two factions there was a degree of tension created from the individual groups. Deng Xiaoping being and Economic Reformer, but politically a Moral Conservative, was able to gather support from both sides of the party, and thus helped in his overall leadership role. Deng can certainly be labeled as the main instigator of the Crack Down of the Tiananmen Protests, but full blame certainly cannot be slapped on him.
Deng Xiaoping was a veteran of the long march, a person who had been in the Communist Party his whole life. Deng was not pushed into sideling with hardliners within the party, he was the overall leader of the Communist Party, something that he had devoted his whole life to. He thus couldn't have possibly vouched for the protestors as he was brought up to always obey his higher in command, just as he thought the Chinese people should obey the Communist Party. To Conclude, Deng Xiaoping may be remembered for his economic reforms of the late 70's and 80's, or for his authoritative approach in cracking down on the student protestors. Part of his legacy, obviously was his decision to crack down. He is also seen as a person that caused innocent to die, who used an 'Iron Fist' approach to an essentially peaceful and reasonable democratic movement. Deng Xiaoping was a firm believer that in all other things there might be reform, but, the absolute power must rest in the head of the communist party Dr Charles Lu32
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The Tiananmen protests, over a decade and a half after the Tiananmen Massacre, are constantly making headlines on the news today. One article that is extremely relevant in the context of this essay, in addition to being very unforeseen, is the extract where Li Peng blames Deng Xiaoping for the implementation of martial law on the student protestors.
Only weeks before the 100th birthday anniversary of Deng Xiaoping, Li Peng published an article named "Finding Truth". This article is centered around the Tiananmen Square incident, concerning Deng Xiaoping's role in ending the student protest movement. "In the spring and summer of 1989, a serious political disturbance took place in China. With the vision of boldness from the great revolutionary politician, comrade Deng Xiaoping - along with other party elders - gave the leadership their firm and full support to put down the political disturbance using forceful measures," said Li.35 He further went on to say that he was only acting on the orders of his leader Deng Xiaoping, thus publicly endorsed Deng Xiaoping's decision to implement Martial law.36
Recently I went to Tiananmen to see just exactly how much relevance the June 4th massacre is in contrast to the amount of the security the square has on a day to day basis. This was a normal Monday working day, in the early afternoon. I took many pictures just to illustrate the impact this event had on modern day security. Furthermore this just emphasizes how far the Communist Party is willing to go, in order to make sure this event never happens again. Pictures from the pre 1989 Tiananmen Square were extremely hard to find on the internet. Though this essay does not have such pictures, one of the books I used in conducting my research was "Cries For Democracy". Inside, there are multiple photographs that juxtapose the pictures I took.
