Internal Assessment
History Standard Level
Compare and contrast the extent to which the ideological principles of Adolf Hitler's '25-Point Manifesto' of 1920 and Benito Mussolini's 'The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle' of 1919 reflect alignment with reference to nationalisation, racial, and economic policies.
Section 1: Identification and Evaluation of Sources
This Internal Assessment will explore the research question 'To what extent did the ideological principles of Adolf Hitler's '25-Point Manifesto' of 1920 and Benito Mussolini's 'The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle' of 1919 reflect alignment?'. The investigation will focus on the contents of these sources to answer the research question successfully. The documents are key primary sources that outline the core ideological principles in terms of nationalism, economics, and racism of Hitler and Mussolini, forming the foundation of their political movements.
Source A: 25-Point Manifesto
A value of the origin is that it was authored by the later leader of the NSDAP and therefore aligns with his aspirations for Germany. A value of the purpose is that it was written to persuade Germans of the party, making the NSDAP programme appealing to the largest voting bracket, the workers. A value of the content is that it reveals early stages of the programme, considering Hitler's struggles between the Munich Beer Hall Putsch and his period in prison whilst writing 'Mein Kampf', and how it became increasingly extreme.
A limitation of the origin is that the German government, having just emerged from Weimar Germany, was new to a different leadership, and Hitler may not have known how to present his ideas. A limitation of the purpose is that Hitler may have exaggerated and not fully explained what the party's aspirations were for personal gain, making it less credible. The purpose was to convince; however, the points that were attractive were mostly unexecuted. A limitation of the content is that it focuses on the perspective of Hitler and a homogeneous vision, not considering complexities of modern society. The reliability of the source is questioned, seeing that the apparently 'unalterable' programme was not fully used in the following years in the rise of the NSDAP.
Source B: The Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle
A value of this source's origin is that it was authored by the aspiring leader of the fascist party in Italy, hence revealing the way in which Mussolini wanted Italy to function under his ideological values. A value of the purpose is that the text was written to launch fascism in Italy. Its success is indicated by Mussolini's establishment of his fascist party in 1921. A value of the content is that it reveals the desires that Mussolini had for Italy, taking WW1 and the Treaty of London into consideration.
A limitation of the origin is that it was written in Italian, and it is therefore hard to judge whether the translation is accurate. The purpose is to convince Italians of fascism, perhaps leading to exaggerations or omissions, not completely aligning with Mussolini's later actions. Seeing that the source was used as fascist propaganda, it is likely that Mussolini mentioned points that would appeal to the public, rather than actual ideas of fascism. A limitation of the content is that it was written in collaboration with an Italian poet, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti, potentially leading to the content being written in a descriptive writing style and not straightforward.
Words: 495
Section 2: Investigation
The ideological principles of Hitler and Mussolini's rule have been widely analysed for their similarities and differences since both leaders came to power. Historians like Eric Hobsbawm argue that their ideologies aligned in key areas: economic and racial policies and nationalism. Both sources offer critical insights into the foundation of two 20th-century totalitarian regimes. Understanding the motivations of Hitler and Mussolini is crucial for distinguishing between the ideologies of Nazism and Fascism. This essay will evaluate the opinion of Hobsbawm, who argues that there is close alignment, especially looking at nationalism and economic policies, and contrastingly will explore a more individual approach of both leaders, argued by Knox. The ideological foundations of both manifestos will be explored, with respect to nationalisation, racial, and economic policies, and will conclude that despite notable similarities, there are key differences that shape the divergent impacts. Hobsbawm has argued in his work 'The Age of Extremes' that Hitler and Mussolini had overlaps in their nationalistic ideas for their respective countries. He states that 'Mussolini inspired Hitler, and Hitler never failed to acknowledge Italian inspiration and priority', indicative of the awe in which Mussolini and Hitler saw each other, with Hitler taking major inspiration from Mussolini.
Causation
Hitler's humiliation by the Treaty of Versailles reveals itself early in the 25-Point Manifesto, demanding it to be revoked with regards to the lost land and clause of reparations. Hitler combined the solution to the humiliation with the German concept of 'Volksgemeinschaft' and the way in which a more populist approach would solve economic problems made the speech fitting toward its purpose of convincing. Mentioning the unity of the German people as the solution to the nationwide humiliation, Hitler was able to establish a feeling of hope within society after rough times. One of the key ideas that Hitler shared with Mussolini was the concept of anti-Marxism, anti-liberalism, anti-socialism, and anti-communism. In his biography entitled 'Mein Kampf', Hitler expressed his admiration for Mussolini handling 'his struggle against Marxism'.
For Mussolini's text, it is also crucial to understand the causation in order to successfully compare the sources. He was the first fascist leader in Europe in the 20th century, and the term Fascism originated from a right-wing movement he held in 1915. Mussolini originated from a socialist family, and he was the editor of socialist magazines in Italy. Openly supportive of Italy's entrance to WW1, he was expelled from the editorship of the Italian newspaper 'Avanti!'. In his 'Manifesto of the Fascist Struggle', he notes the problem of class division in Italy and how he believes in more equality. After WW1, Italy found itself in economic instability, which Mussolini wanted to combat through fascism. The Lira kept depreciating compared to the Pound Sterling (85.5% between 1919 and 1920), increasing external debt. This links to Mussolini's desire for more equality within Italy, as emphasised in his Manifesto.
Nationalisation
The British historian Eric Hobsbawm has argued in 'The Age of Extremes' that Hitler and Mussolini overlapped in their nationalistic ideologies. Mussolini demanded 'A national policy intended to peacefully further the Italian national culture in the world' and Hitler pledged for 'Land und Territorium, um unser Land zu ernähren, und die Kolonialisierung für unsere überschüssige Bevölkerung'. Both mention the need for expanded land in order to spread racial superiority and greatness globally. Hitler was not ashamed of his nationalistic extremes, as seen in his biography 'Mein Kampf' where he states having proudly sung the former German anthem 'Deutschland über Alles', reflective of the conditions which enabled the integration of nationalism to his manifesto. Italy entered the war based on the Treaty of London, through which it did not receive the promised land after WW1. Finally, Hitler and Mussolini had similar ideas for the execution of a successful military. Military strength would inevitably lead to a strong nation which would support nationalism and help expand territories for Germany and Italy. This is supported by Italian historian Renzo De Felice, who was involved in the writing of Mussolini's biography and therefore gained expertise on Mussolini's ideology and similarities to Germany. In both documents, the need for a strong army is mentioned, Mussolini calling for 'the institution of a national militia' and Hitler demanding 'die Bildung einer nationalen Armee'. An agreement over military significance was established in 1938, when the two countries signed the 'Pact of Steel', initiating a 'joint German-Italian military alliance'. Evidently, Hitler and Mussolini admired each other's militaristic behaviours; otherwise, they would not have agreed to form an alliance based on military power.
Economic policies
With regards to economic policies, Macgregor Knox mentions similarities between the two dictatorships. In his work 'Conquest, Foreign and Domestic, in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany', he states that 'northern Italy was different from Bavaria, but no more backward economically'. This suggests that despite possible cultural disparities between Italy and Germany, the economic struggles were similarly apparent. Both leaders mention the need for economic growth in their works, Hitler demanding 'eine Aufteilung der Gewinne aller Schwerindustrien' and Mussolini calling for the 'seizure of 85 percent of the profits' of all military contracts. Revisionist historians argue that the root economic instability and the previously mentioned nationalism are traceable to the remaining debts of the Treaty of Versailles and the extreme economic burden placed on German citizens with the war blame and reparations clauses. Similarly, Italian citizens were struggling economically with extreme hyperinflation. Further, the Italian Lira was only worth one-sixth of its value in 1913, indicating the monetary disputes experienced in Italy and purchasing power parity decreasing drastically.
Racial Policies
There are arguments that Hitler and Mussolini had less aligned ideologies with regards to their motivations which underpin their manifestos. Whilst Mussolini was keen on restoring the former glory of the Roman Empire, Hitler idealised the future of a purified German race. In his manifesto, as well as other works, he reiterated the need for a 'super-human Aryan' race. Crucially, in Hitler's dictatorial development, as well as his manifesto, his anti-Semitic ideas became evident. In the fourth point, he expresses that 'Nur ein Mitglied der Rasse kann Bürger sein…Folglich kann kein Jude Mitglied der Rasse sein'. Where Hitler saw the only way to German unity as purifying the population, Mussolini believed in an inclusive approach, not eliminating any race from his country. Hitler's desire to purify Germany came to an extent where he mentioned that Aryan children must have blond hair and blue eyes. In personal correspondence with Holocaust survivor A. Süsskind, he explained that when the Nazis came looking for a Jewish child (him) in Poland, he was eliminated from the searching process, as he had 'blond hair and blue eyes'. This primary source is crucial, seeing that the interviewee can validate the superficial way of Hitler judging the German population. Contrastingly, Mussolini's anti-Semitism is not seen until Italy forms an alliance with Germany in 1938 through the previously mentioned 'Pact of Steel', which formalised the 1936 agreement, the Rome-Berlin Axis. The Aryanisation of Italy is officially declared in the 1938 'Manifesto of Race', through which Italian Jews were stripped of any rights, including their Italian citizenship. However, with respect to the dates of publications, there is no evidence of Mussolini showing signs of anti-Semitism. Later years reveal how Hitler's idea of abolishing Jews influenced Mussolini; however, for the sole purpose of maintaining a bond with Germany, rather than hatred of Jews.
Conclusion
In conclusion, the analysis shows that Hitler and Mussolini shared similarities in their ideologies, and therefore, the two documents are aligned to a large extent in terms of economic policies and nationalism. In the beginning of Hitler's rise, his inspiration from Mussolini's way of leading a country is evident, as seen in his personal biography 'Mein Kampf'. Sources reveal that later in his rule, Mussolini aligned his style of ruling Italy to Hitler's in Germany. The key point that differentiates the sources from each other is that the racial policies were not aligned in the years of publication. Hitler was set on purifying Germany with blond and blue-eyed citizens, whilst there was no mention of anti-Semitism in Mussolini's policies. Even though this is one point that differentiates the two, it arguably has significance that sets the documents apart drastically.
Words: 1501
Section 3: Reflection
Through this investigation, I was able to gain a deeper insight into German and Italian history. This topic specifically was of extreme interest for me as I wanted to deepen my knowledge about European history and authoritarian leaders as a student of History.
The problem that historians and I face in such an investigation is the linguistic barrier. Even though in today's time period there are translations of most documents available, it is hard to determine whether these are correctly translated, or even if there is some bias in the translation in the form of personal preference of an author. In order to overcome the challenge of translation, one must find appropriate primary and secondary sources in order to develop an objective view on any translated texts. For me personally, I only faced this issue with Italian sources, seeing that I was able to read all original German sources.
Another issue that is faced by historians and myself is the careful choice of appropriate sources for an investigation of this kind. It is important to conduct separate research on authors of sources in order to maintain research that is as neutral and unbiased as possible. Having looked at numerous primary and secondary sources, I believe that my investigation looked at the two documents from as many perspectives as possible and kept a neutral focus.
The difference that becomes evident between a mathematician and a historian during an investigation of this kind is that in history, things are only provable if there is some sort of evidence. If the evidence does not exist, we cannot prove any event, seeing that it happened in the past and we were not witnesses. Historians also do not have the ability to judge the understanding of those who supported either of the manifestos and therefore must select a variety of sources in order to create an objective opinion on how different factors led to the causation of the two documents.
Words: 326
Bibliography
Albrecht-Carrié, René. The Present Significance of the Treaty of London of 1915. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 54, no. 3, 1939, pp. 364-390.
The Avalon Project: The Versailles Treaty June 28, 1919. Avalon Project, https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/partiii.asp. Accessed 1 October 2024.
Dabla-Norris, Era, and International Monetary Fund, editors. Debt and Entanglements Between the Wars. International Monetary Fund, 2019.
Delzell, Charles F. Remembering Mussolini. The Wilson Quarterly, vol. 12, no. 2, 1988, pp. 118-135.
Deuerlein, Ernst. Der Aufstieg der NSDAP in Augenzeugenberichten. München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1974.
The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Pact of Steel | Italy–Germany [1939]. Britannica, 27 August 2024, https://www.britannica.com/event/Pact-of-Steel. Accessed 1 October 2024.
Feder, Gottfried. The Program of The Party of Hitler. Ostara Publications, 1932. Accessed 30 September 2024.
Foot, John, and Melanie F. Knights. Italy - Economic Crisis, Political Turmoil, Two Red Years. Britannica, 20 October 2024, https://www.britannica.com/place/Italy/Economic-and-political-crisis-the-two-red-years. Accessed 20 October 2024.
Gillette, Aaron. Racial Theories in Fascist Italy. Routledge, 2014.
Hibbert, Christopher, and The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. Benito Mussolini | Biography, Definition, Facts, Rise, & Death. Britannica, 4 October 2024, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Benito-Mussolini. Accessed 5 October 2024.
Hitler, Adolf. Mein Kampf - Deutsche Sprache - 1925 Ungekürzt: Original German Language Edition: My Struggle - My Battle. Metal-Inex Incorporated, 1925.
Hitler, Adolf, and Max Domarus. The Complete Hitler: A Digital Desktop Reference to His Speeches and Proclamations, 1932-1945. Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2007. Accessed 19 October 2024.
Hobsbawm, Eric J. Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth Century, 1914-1991. Abacus, 1995.
IBDP Candidate. Interview Holocaust Survivor A. Süsskind. 2022, Munich, Germany. Physical Meeting.
Knox, Macgregor. Conquest, Foreign and Domestic, in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. The Journal of Modern History, vol. 56, no. 1, 1984, pp. 1-57.
Mussolini, Benito. The Fascist Manifesto. 1919. Zelalemkibret Wordpress, https://zelalemkibret.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2012/01/the-fascist-manifesto.pdf. Accessed 10 September 2024.
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Nazi Party Platform | Holocaust Encyclopedia. Holocaust Encyclopedia, 15 October 2020, https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/nazi-party-platform. Accessed 2 October 2024.
Watt, D. C. An Earlier Model for the Pact of Steel: The Draft Treaties Exchanged between Germany and Italy during Hitler's Visit to Rome in May 1938. Oxford University Press, vol. 33, no. 2, 1957, pp. 185-197.
Welch, David. Nazi Propaganda and the Volksgemeinschaft: Constructing a People's Community. Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 39, no. 2, 2004, pp. 213-238.
