Below is Königlicher Platz by
Josef Eglseder (1938), showing the Führerbau where the Munich Agreement
was signed, Braunes Haus, Ehrentempel, and Verwaltungsbau der NSDAP
with Albert Speer's lampposts in
the foreground from the steps of the Glyptothek, and from the same
position in 2023. The
Nazi party's headquarters lay just behind the new huge buildings: the
Führerbau, which housed Hitler's Munich office and apartments, and the Verwaltungsbau der NSDAP which,
identical on the outside, are distinguished by their massive size,
their elongated proportions (275-foot façade length and sixty feet in
height, and their lack of elaborate ornament. The inner pair, comprising
the identical Ehrentempel, were square structures of the Doric order,
with a three-step podium and six square, fluted piers on each side.
These piers supported a simple, classicising architrave instead of a
full roof. In 1948 trees were planted along the Arcisstrasse to screen the Nazi buildings from Klenze's nineteenth-century Königsplatz
as can be seen here. In the mid 1930s the square was closed by a screen
of four buildings running along the east side of the Arcisstrasse.
Both the Verwaltungsbau and Führerbau were built according to plans by Hitler's favourite architect Paul
Ludwig Troost who never lived to see their completion in 1935 or of the
entire building complex at Königsplatz which was completed by 1937.
When he died his widow Gerdy, at only thirty years of age, continued his projects in cooperation with her late husband's long-time colleague Leonard Gall,
focussing especially on the interior finish of the Führerbau. Her
efforts were rewarded by Hitler with the title of Professor in 1937.
Above right in front of the Propyläen is
Hitler directing the construction of these buildings with both Troost and
Gall. Through them the place originally dedicated to the arts was
converted into the "Teatrum sacrum" of the movement. and served as a
stage for the pseudo-religious cult. Munich was officially designated by Hitler as the "Hauptstadt der Bewegung" (Capital of the Movement), and no spot in Munich was more central than the Konigsplatz. Hitler dedicated Mein Kampf to
those killed in the putsch (whom he termed "blood witnesses of our
movement") and noted that they had been denied common burial. In 1935 he
arranged for their bodies to be moved to the Temples of Honour.
According to a contemporary guidebook, this transformed the structures
into "the national shrine of the German people." The temples were also
known as the Ewige Wache, the dead serving as "eternal sentries" for the
Third Reich. Each sarcophagus was inscribed with Der letzte Appell (the
last roll call) and hier,
the imagined response of the dead to that call. Each year the November 9
anniversary of the putsch was commemorated. The march from the
Bürgerbräukeller to the Feldherrnhalle was reenacted and thence to the
Königsplatz, where a large crowd gathered. The names of the dead from
1923 were read; after each name the crowd shouted, "Hier."
Showing the Leibstandarte-ϟϟ Adolf Hitler marching
past the Propyläen. No other place in Munich is so closely connected
with the Nazi movement and its public shows of power as Königsplatz. Its
grand classicist ambience made the square the ideal backdrop for staging Nazi spectacles.
In 1935 the square’s appearance was altered considerably as it was
turned into a parade ground alongside two Temples of Honour built, along
with other new buildings, on its eastern perimeter. By virtue of its
size and central location, Königsplatz had already become a gathering
point for political meetings during the 1920s, and even before 1933 the
Nazis showed an interest in this public space sited so near its Brown
House; the Nazis had already bought the Palais Barlow building near Königsplatz in 1930 and subsequently had it refurbished as the party headquarters. The
distinctive neo-classical architecture of Königsplatz fitted perfectly
with the Nazi leadership’s need for a grand setting for its activities.
After 1933 a number of other key offices of the Nazi bureaucracy were
housed in the area around Königsplatz. Making society conform with Nazi
ideals and achieving the bureaucratic centralisation, documentation and
control of all areas of life by means of a powerful and all-pervasive
state and party apparatus – these were the goals of the Nazi
leadership’s domestic policy.
Showing Captain Ernst Röhm, Hitler's chief of staff, after ceremonially handing over the flag of the Freicorps Rossbach to the SA on
November 8, 1933 at the Königsplatz. Although after 1933 the Nazi
centre of power was moved to Berlin, key offices of the Nazi Party and
its associated organisations remained in the area around Munich's
Königsplatz which became the central party quarter, where many Nazi
offices and organisations were housed in over fifty buildings – from
national offices responsible for the whole Reich down to regional
branches. Sometimes as many as six thousand people were employed
here. Alongside the party administration itself – such as, for example,
the Reich Leadership of the NSDAP on Brienner Straße (the “Brown
House”) – the head offices of many Nazi organisations were located here,
including the Reich Youth Leadership, the Reich Treasury Department of
the National Socialist Women’s Organisation, the Reich Leadership of the
National Socialist German Students’ Association, the Reich Leadership
of the ϟϟ (administrative
offices and the ϟϟ court), the Supreme SA Leadership and central party
institutions, such as the Reich Central Propaganda Office or the Reich
Press Office. These institutions and authorities were tightly organised
and centrally controlled, generally structured along the same lines as
regional and district Nazi organisations which used them as highly
effective instruments for bringing people into line ideologically and
keeping them under surveillance and controlling their private lives.

In 1934 for an appearance by Hermann Goering for which the site is adorned with an illuminated swastika and a banner reading "With Adolf Hitler for Germany." In Mein Kampf Hitler
wrote how "[t] he geo-political significance of a focal centre for a
movement cannot be overemphasised. Only the presence of such a place,
exerting the magic spell of a Mecca or a Rome, can in the long run give
the movement a force which is based on inner unity." Munich, officially
designated by Hitler as the "Hauptstadt der Bewegung", was that central
place for the Nazis. Joshua
Hagen notes that, in the example of Munich's Königsplatz, the Nazi
redesign presented a clash of ideological considerations. Whilst the
plans to maintain that space fulfilled the desire for balance and
harmony with the planned additional structures, its muted scale was in
opposition to the equally strong desire for monumentalism. As a test
project for further urban redesigns, including Berlin, the Munich
Königsplatz was still envisioned to function within Nazi temporality:
the space was designed with temples dedicated to the regime, in which
heroes to the movement were interred, making Königsplatz, “an integral
component of future commemoration."
Königsplatz is the most significant square in Munich and is known as the Athens on the Isar with
the Propyläen, Glyptothek and Antikensammlung on its three sides built
in classical style, conceived by Ludwig I and built in 1817 by Klenze.
Troost designed the square to make it a colossal parade ground with
22,000 slabs of concrete, the temples of honour, Führer building and the
Nazi Party central office. Unlike Berlin with its Topography of Terror,
Munich has managed to avoid building a memorial to the past. Today, the
only thing that signifies the role of the Königsplatz square during the
Third Reich is a paltry plaque displayed
on the stone foundation of one of the former “Temples of Honour.” The
former “capital of the Nazi movement” now claims itself the “Weltstadt
mit Herz” (world city with a heart).
This interpretation was integrated into the museum’s displays, where vases depicting athletic scenes, warrior farewells, and symposia were presented as precursors to Nazi ideals of physical culture and communal bonding. During the war the museum fought to protect its collection of
Etruscan pottery in particular, which had been stored in the bombed Neue
Pinakothek. Its holdings were directly mobilised for propaganda during the 1938 exhibition Griechische Kunst der Vor- und Frühzeit, organised in collaboration with the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda. This exhibition featured Attic black- and red-figure vases alongside bronze weapons and jewellery to construct a narrative of a militarised, racially homogeneous ancient Greece. A catalogue entry for an Attic amphora depicting Herakles, dated to 520 BC, described the hero’s labours as an allegory for the "struggle of the Nordic spirit against Asiatic decadence," a phrase repeated in the Völkischer Beobachter’s review of the exhibition on March 15, 1938. The exhibition’s curatorial framework was overseen by the Amt Rosenberg, which ensured that the interpretive labels aligned with Alfred Rosenberg’s racial theories. For example, a 5th-century BC kylix depicting a symposium was relabelled to emphasise the "Aryan" practice of moderation in contrast to "Semitic" excess, a claim unsupported by the vase’s original context but central to the regime’s cultural propaganda.
During the annual commemorative march on November 9, 1938 and me today with the Antikensammlungen behind. The ceremonies on the square blended 1923 with the present of the late 1930s,
implying that the men in the sarcophagi were still "here" and
suggesting that both the dead and those present in the square were
sentries answering the same roll call. But the Nazi Königsplatz went
further, not only blending 1923 with the 1930s and 1940s, but also
obscuring the line between the Nazi here and now and two other pasts
that are the stock in trade of the Glyptothek: classical antiquity and
Ludwig I's Munich.
Instead
of Fischer's residential buildings, two so-called honorary temples were
built as a common burial site for those who died during the
Hitler-Ludendorff putsch. Their
bodies were transferred there and reburied in iron sarcophagi. A cult
was staged around these dead, referred to as “ martyrs of the movement ”
which was supposed to portray them as martyrs. At
the eastern end, the Führerbau was erected north of Brienner Strasse
and, symmetrically to the south, the Nazi Party's administration
building. The
conversion significantly increased the width of the Königsplatz. By
removing the green, the Königsplatz was able to expand in the direction
of the Troost buildings and focus on the temple of honour like a funnel.
This reversed the viewing direction by 180°.
At the same time, the square was paved with 20,000 granite slabs deliberately sourced from all parts of Nazi Germany.
The completely level, one square metre slabs made both the museum
buildings and the Propylaea look very out of place. It was Troost's
intention that the historic buildings should no longer dominate the
square, but appear equal or subordinate to the new buildings. Through
this, Nazi Germany was to show in the monumentally reduced
architectural style developed by Troost in particular that it is derived
from the old order, architecturally from the classicist style of Ludwig
I, but represented its own new order that relativised everything. Since
then, Königsplatz had been used for Nazi parades and rallies. A 1936 guidebook to Munich went so far as to claim that the hardness of the granite paving stones
laid by the Nazis on the Königsplatz was a mirror of the spirit of the
dead buried there. Goebbels summed up the square's exceptional symbolic
importance in a lapidary 1935 diary entry: “Here
the Führer wrote his will in stone." Such hyperbolic claims meant that
the significance of the Königsplatz was overdetermined; not
surprisingly, then, the square kept its meaning long after the defeat of
the Nazis in 1945. According to Winfried Nerdinger, “[o]n the Königsplatz, old residents of Munich still hear thousands of voices shouting 'Here.'" After
the massive remodelling with granite slabs that did not allow rainwater
to drain well, others derisively dubbed Königsplatz 'Lake Plattensee' given the water that accumulated over the blocks given the lack of drainage. was the brainchild of Ludwig, whose love of classical art had been stimulated by the Grand Tour. One of the great collectors of Europe, Ludwig commissioned his favourite architect, Leo von Klenze, to design a museum worthy of his collection. Both the museum and its holdings were shrines to neoclassical taste. The Munich Glyptothek was also the first public classical archaeology museum. The Aegina marbles were its centerpiece, but agents of Ludwig like Wagner and Friedrich Thiersch purchased widely on the international art market, and in 1841 Ludwig laid the foundations there of what became one of the great European vase collections by acquiring choice examples of Greek vases from Lucien Bonaparte, the prince of Canino, who owned the site of Etruscan Vulci and was actively mining it for artifacts.
Dyson (135) In Pursuit of Ancient Pasts
The event formed part of the Nazi Party's early propaganda efforts to elevate Schlageter's death into a rallying point for völkisch movements, with approximately 30,000 attendees reported in contemporary accounts, including members of the Bund Oberland and other paramilitary organisations that had collaborated with Schlageter in the Ruhr, and the service included wreath-laying ceremonies at a temporary monument erected on the square to mark the occasion. Hitler in his speech highlighted Schlageter's actions as an example of individual heroism against the Versailles Treaty-imposed humiliations, declaring that such figures represented the true spirit of the German people in their struggle for freedom, and the memorial concluded with marches by SA formations past the Königsplatz, reinforcing the Nazi narrative of Schlageter as the first soldier of the Third Reich, a title later formalised in party literature.
The Barberini Faun as it appeared in the opening sequence of Leni Riefenstahl's Olympia Part One: Festival of the Nations (Fest der Völker), released in April 1938 and with it today. Commissioned
by the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, the film utilised
the Glyptothek as a key location to establish the aesthetic and
historical legitimacy of the Nazi state before the international
audience, including a
tracking shot moving through the Glyptothek’s rotunda, explicitly
focusing on the Barberini Faun. The camera lingers on the sculpture’s
muscular tension and the marble’s sheen, juxtaposing it with the
"Olympia" marble relief in the background, thereby visually equating the
ancient Greek athletic ideal with the Nazi concept of the Vir Novus as
documented in Riefenstahl’s production notes confirming that the lighting was artificially enhanced to highlight the musculature of the Faun for this specific scene to utilise the Faun as a symbol of the "heroic body" that the
regime sought to cultivate through the Hitler Youth and the ϟϟ.
The
strategic bombing of Munich by the Royal Air Force beginning in 1942
posed a direct threat to the Faun’s existence. On April 24, 1944, a
high-explosive bomb struck the Glyptothek’s rotunda, causing the
collapse of the dome which would have pulverised the statue had it remained in situ. On the right showing it being removed for safety from the bombing to the Zentralministerium's Luftschutzkeller on Ludwigstrasse with Drake Winston and the Medusa Rondanini in the background. Specialised heavy-lifting equipment was utilised to hoist the Barberini Faun from its pedestal in the Glyptothek. The statue was encased in a protective timber framework designed to shield the projecting limbs, particularly the legs and the left arm, from vibration and impact. The transport covered the short distance from the Königsplatz to Ludwigstraße under the supervision of museum officials and state conservationists. Upon arrival at the Zentralministerium, the crate was manoeuvred into the deep cellar complex, which had been upgraded to serve as a secure bunker for government personnel and critical state assets. The decision to store the Faun within the city rather than transport it to the countryside was dictated by the sheer mass of the Parian marble and the structural risks associated with long-distance vehicle transport. Hans Diepolder, the director of the Glyptothek, oversaw this operation, prioritising a secure subterranean location in the immediate vicinity of the museum district to avoid the vibrations and shocks inherent in truck travel to locations like Schäftlarn.
The Zentralministerium possessed a reinforced concrete Luftschutzkeller designed to withstand direct impacts, which was deemed safer for the heavy statuary than the open roads. The Faun was lowered from its plinth and transported on heavy-duty skids and rollers to the Ludwigstraße 2 facility. The statue remained in this specific cellar for the entirety of the conflict, alongside other heavy sculptures such as the pedimental figures from the Temple of Aphaia, the Aeginetes, which were also deemed too fragile for rural evacuation. Following the cessation of hostilities and the occupation of Munich by American forces in April 1945, the statue was retrieved from the shelter. Due to the destruction of the Glyptothek, the Faun couldn't be returned to its original location and was subsequently displayed in temporary exhibitions at the Prinz-Carl-Palais and later the Haus der Kunst, serving as a testament to the survival of Munich’s art collections amidst the city's physical annihilation. The Kunstausstellungshaus am Königsplatz which had been located directly adjacent to the Lenbachhaus on Gabelsbergerstraße, forming part of the cultural ensemble around Königsplatz. The Kunstbau was used for major art exhibitions, including the annual exhibitions of the Münchener Künstlergenossenschaft. It was repurposed to serve the ideological and propagandistic goals of the Nazi regime. through the Reichskammer der bildenden Künste, ensuring that all exhibitions adhered to Nazi aesthetic principles. The building hosted the Große Deutsche Kunstausstellung starting in 1937, which was held annually in the newly constructed Haus der Deutschen Kunst, although it continued to be used for smaller, ideologically approved exhibitions that promoted the Nazi vision of art. One of the most significant uses of the Kunstausstellungshaus during the Nazi period was for exhibitions that contrasted "degenerate art" with the regime’s preferred classical and heroic styles. Whilst the infamous Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art) exhibition of 1937 was primarily held in Munich’s Hofgartenarkaden, the Kunstausstellungshaus occasionally hosted supplementary shows that reinforced the Nazi condemnation of modernist art. During the war, the building suffered significant damage during Allied bombing raids on Munich, particularly in 1944, which caused severe structural damage. The ruins were later demolished in the post-war period, and the site was redeveloped.


The
caskets were then taken on carriages to Königsplatz square. The moment
the first carriage arrived on the square, a shot was fired and the flags
of the movement and of the Wehrmacht were lowered. Veteran fighters
placed the caskets on the podium. Two large swastika banners were then
raised in unison. The Völkischer Beobachter reported
that Königsplatz had thus been transformed into “a mighty forum for the
movement.” The heroes were now resting in the Nazi Party’s “holy
sanctuary.” Hitler proclaimed: “Just as they marched fearlessly, so too
shall they lie in the wind and weather, in the storms and rain, in the
snow and ice, and in the sun, under the heavens. They will lie here in
open as an eternal symbol of the German nation. For us they are not
dead.”


On the night of July 5, 1945, the sixteen “martyrs” from the Temples of Honour were removed and quickly buried elsewhere.Beside the grave of Andreas Bauriedl whose blood had supposedly consecrated the so-called blutfahne, and whose remains were relocated to the cemetery at Nordfriedhof.
The remains of Johann Rickmers were sent to the city crematorium but,
as domestic mail services had been suspended by the Allies forces, his
ashes couldn't be sent to their final resting place in Westphalia. All
these burials were lonely affairs. On June 27, 1945, Mayor Karl
Scharnagl, appointed by the American occupying forces, published the
following decree: “Any public participation during the burials, or any
kind of outward display whatsoever, must be avoided.” On July 12, the
director of Munich’s municipal cemeteries submitted his report to the
mayor: “On July 5, 1945, the bodies, or the remains thereof, were
removed from the temples on Königsplatz square without incident. The
bodies were placed in family gravesites or buried in common graves. This
was carried out at a time of day when the cemetery was closed to the
public.” The sarcophagi themselves were melted down and given to the
Munich tram service which used it for soldering material to repair rail
and electrical lines damaged by the war.
On top of the Führer balcony and in 1937 with Hitler inspecting the completion of the building. Below on
the right is the same location during Mussolini's state visit June 18,
1940 on the occasion of France's surrender. Ciano reported that Hitler
spoke “with a reserve and a perspicacity which, after such a victory,
are really astonishing.” It was almost exclusively Hitler who spoke
during the conference, which lasted several hours. Apparently Hitler did
so for a special purpose as by speaking constantly, he wished to rob
Mussolini of the opportunity to voice any inopportune questions
regarding his manner of procedure. Hitler wished to leave everyone in
the dark as to his precise plans for France in the near future, and this
included what he held in store for the Duce as well as for the French
negotiators. Of course, he admitted that he planned to disarm France and
to press it to yield to certain “reasoned,” although vague German
demands. What was to happen later to France was hidden beneath a shroud
of “implementing regulations;” in other words, he reserved all further
decisions for himself. 
The former Führerbau was built between 1933 and 1937 according to the plans of the architect Paul Ludwig Troost in Arcisstraße 12 in Munich for Hitler. The first plans for the construction date back to 1931 and was completed three years after Troost's death by Leonhard Gall. During the Nazi era, the Führerbau served as a representative building. The building, along with the administration building of the Nazi Party, closed the Königsplatz in an urbanised direction eastwards. In 1938, the Munich Agreement was signed here. In the air-raid shelter of the Führerbau from 1943 about 650 mostly looted paintings were stored for the proposed Führermuseum in Linz. Shortly before the invasion of American troops on the night of April 29-30, 1945 the cellar was plundered; more than 600 paintings, including many works from the Dutch Masters, disappeared. From 1945 onwards the former Führerbau was used by the American military government together with the administration building as a Central Collecting Point for the booty exploited by the Nazis throughout Europe during the war, including Göring's art collection. From this point on, identified works of art were restored to the countries of origin. Today the building serves the University of Music and Theatre Munich. In 1954, the congress hall was converted into a concert hall (it today claims to be exorcising the dæmons of the past with music). The building is nevertheless in poor structural condition and needs a general renovation.
Hitler
and Mussolini on the reviewing stand beside a temple of honour with the
Führerbau behind during the latter's September 25, 1937 state visit
which followed the formation of the Rome-Berlin Axis the year before. The
day began with Mussolini’s arrival at Munich’s main railway station at
10.00 and the procession to Königsplatz commenced shortly after, with
Mussolini and Hitler travelling in an open-topped Mercedes-Benz,
escorted by 36,000 guards lining the route. The streets were adorned
with red, white, and black swastika flags alongside Italian red, white,
and green banners, complemented by Roman eagles and scarlet-gold
festoons. The parade at Königsplatz, which began around noon, was a
focal point of the visit, lasting approximately two hours.
An estimated
100,000 spectators, including Nazi Party members, Hitler Youth, ϟϟ
units, and local citizens, gathered to witness the event including Reichsführer ϟϟ Himmler shown here in front of the Glyptothek at the time in his full ceremonial
Nazi Waffen SS uniform. Mussolini, visibly impressed, remarked to Hitler, “It was wonderful! It couldn’t have been better in Italy.” Approximately 10,000 troops participated, including 3,000 ϟϟ members under Himmler’s command and 5,000 SA members led by Lutze. Mussolini’s speech at Königsplatz which he delivered in German at 13.30 (but translated into German by Attolico for clarity), lasted ten minutes and addressed the crowd on the importance of Italo-German unity against common enemies declaring “[t]he future of Europe depends on the strength of our combined will,” a statement met with prolonged applause from the estimated 80,000 party-affiliated attendees. Hitler responded with a brief five-minute address, emphasising the “unbreakable bond” between their nations, which was broadcast via radio to an estimated 2 million listeners across Germany. The event was captured by 30 Italian and 50 German photographers, with footage later used in propaganda films directed by Leni Riefenstahl.
Looking down Adolf-Hitler-Strasse, the obelisk now the only point of reference remaining. The event’s 2,000-meter route through Königsplatz was lined with 50,000 swastika and Italian flags, creating a visual unity of the two regimes. The event’s scale, involving 10,000 troops and 100,000 spectators, dwarfed similar fascist displays in Italy, such as the 1935 Rome parade, which had drawn 50,000 attendees. Mussolini’s reactions, recorded by Italian diplomat Attolico, revealed his mixed feelings: while impressed by the spectacle, he privately noted the “mechanical” nature of German discipline compared to Italian “spontaneity.” The parade’s choreography, overseen by ϟϟ-Obergruppenführer Sepp Dietrich, included 20 armoured vehicles and 50 artillery pieces. The event was planned over three months, with 500 municipal workers preparing Königsplatz over a fortnight, including the installation of 200 temporary flagpoles, erecting 300 temporary stands for spectators, and 1,000 metres of decorative bunting. The parade’s timing, from noon to 14.00, was chosen to maximise visibility under clear September weather, with temperatures recorded at 18°C. Although Mussolini’s visit was a public success, it also highlighted underlying tensions, as Italian diplomats expressed concerns over Germany’s aggressive expansionism, particularly regarding Austria, discussed privately by Ciano and von Neurath during lunch in the Führerbau. which underscored Italy’s unease with Germany’s ambitions in Central Europe, despite the public display of unity.

With Robert Harris at the very site which provided the setting for his bestseller Munich which later was adapted for the underwhelming Netflix adaptation.
The Führerbau was barely a year old, the work of Hitler's favourite architect, the late Professor Troost- so brand new that the white stone seemed to sparkle in the morning light. On either side of the twin porticoes hung giant flags; the German and the Italian flanked the southern entrance, the British and the French the northern. Above the doors were bronze eagles, wings outstretched, swastikas in their talons. Red carpets had been run out from both sets of doors, down the steps and across the pavement to the kerb. Only the northern entrance was in use. Here an eighteen-man honour guard stood with their rifles presented, alongside a drummer and a bugler...Its function was not entirely clear. It was not a government building, or a Party headquarters. Rather, it was a kind of monarch's court, for the enlightenment and entertainment of the emperor's guests. The interior was clad entirely in marble- a dull plum colour for the floors and the two grand staircases, greyish-white for the walls and pillars, although on the upper level the effect of the lighting was to make the stone glow golden.
The Munich Conference opened at the Führerbau on September 29, 1938, at 12.45 with Hitler providing a brief overview of the Sudeten issue, stating that over 240,000 Sudeten Germans had fled to Germany since the Czech mobilisation on September 23, 1938, and declaring that further delay would be a crime. Neville Chamberlain followed by agreeing to the need for rapid resolution, whilst Benito Mussolini presented a proposal that had been pre-coordinated with Hitler during a train journey from Kufstein earlier that day, outlining the evacuation of Czech forces from the Sudeten areas starting October 1, 1938, and completing by October 10, 1938, without any destruction of infrastructure, a plan accepted by Chamberlain and Édouard Daladier as the basis for discussion despite its origins in a German draft prepared by Hermann Göring, Konstantin von Neurath, and Ernst von Weizsäcker. The session adjourned around 15.00 for lunch, during which no coordination occurred between the British and French delegations despite a planned meeting at 15.30, missing an opportunity to align on issues such as compensation for Czech state properties valued at approximately 20% of the country's economic capacity, including industrial assets and fortifications covering 28,000 square kilometres. Reconvening at 16.30, negotiations centred on the proposal's specifics, with Chamberlain querying compensation mechanisms for public assets which remained unresolved after debates lasting until 19.00, and Daladier securing Hitler's agreement to an international committee comprising the German state secretary of the foreign office, the ambassadors of Britain, France, and Italy in Berlin, and one Czechoslovak nominee to finalise borders based on ethnographic lines allowing minor deviations in exceptional cases. Discussions then shifted to map-based deliberations dividing the territory into four zones for phased German occupation, with zone I scheduled for October 1 and 2, 1938, zone II for October 2 and 3, 1938, zone III for October 3, 4, and 5, 1938, and zone IV for October 6 and 7, 1938, covering a total population of 3.6 million including 800,000 Czechs who would have the right to relocate within six months under a German-Czechoslovak commission handling population exchanges and related matters. By 22.00, a drafting group of legal experts from the four powers formulated the final text, incorporating a plebiscite provision for disputed areas to be completed by November 30, 1938, modelled on the Saar plebiscite of January 13, 1935, with international troops occupying those zones until completion, and including amnesty for 10,000 Sudeten political prisoners detained in Czech jails since April 1938 as well as the discharge of Sudeten Germans from Czech military and police forces within four weeks.
The negotiations at the Führerbau emphasised rapid implementation without Czechoslovak participation, as Hitler dismissed concerns over full immediate cession from his earlier Godesberg demands of September 22, 1938, yielding to the committee-led process that would determine the remaining areas for occupation by October 10, 1938, whilst Mussolini framed the proposal as his contribution to averting conflict, stating it provided a balanced solution despite its German origins. Chamberlain pressed for clarity on the non-destruction clause, noting that Czechoslovakia bore responsibility for compliance but seeking assurances on compensation for state-owned facilities estimated at 20 % of the nation's industrial output, a point that led to extended debates without resolution as Hitler prioritised evacuation timelines over financial reparations. Daladier focused on the border delimitation, obtaining Hitler's concession for Czech representation on the committee to ensure ethnographic accuracy, though in practice this role proved marginal with the committee meeting in Berlin from October 1, 1938, and making decisions that favoured German claims on 28,000 square kilometres encompassing 3.6 million inhabitants. The map examinations dominated the afternoon session, with the leaders agreeing on the zonal divisions to facilitate orderly occupation by German troops numbering 52 divisions in readiness, covering zone I with immediate entry on October 1, 1938, and progressing through zones II, III, and IV by October 7, 1938, to minimise resistance and secure the transfer of 800,000 non-German residents under the six-month option period. The drafting committee's work by 22.00 incorporated additional provisions for plebiscites in mixed ethnic areas, stipulating completion by November 30, 1938, with modalities based on the 1935 Saar vote that had seen 90.73 % favouring reunion with Germany, and requiring international supervision to occupy and administer those zones until results were certified. Amnesty measures extended to the release of 10,000 political detainees within four weeks, whilst the discharge of Sudeten personnel from Czech forces aimed to integrate 3.32 million ethnic Germans into the Reich without internal conflicts, reflecting Hitler's strategic goal of expanding German territory by 28,000 square kilometres without immediate warfare.
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[T]he small, quiet, dapper premier of France, together with Ribbentrop, Weizsäcker, Ciano, Wilson, and Alexis Léger, State Secretary in the French Foreign Office, took their seats around a table in the newly constructed Führerbau amid the complex of party buildings centred around the Brown House – the large and imposing party headquarters – in Munich. There they proceeded to carve up Czechoslovakia.
Standing beside the actual desk where the agreement was signed at the Deutsches Historisches Museum in Berlin. The signing at midnight on September 29, 1938, at the Führerbau formalised the agreement in four languages, with Hitler expressing private dissatisfaction to Joachim von Ribbentrop that the document held no further significance as it averted the war he desired for full conquest, whilst Chamberlain viewed it as a step towards peace, later declaring peace for our time upon return to London on September 30, 1938. Mussolini's mediation role, secured through the train coordination where Hitler accepted the proposal drafted by Göring's team, positioned Italy as a balancer despite alignment with German timelines for evacuation starting October 1, 1938. Daladier's concessions on the committee, including Czech nominee despite marginal influence, reflected French reluctance for war given mobilisation of 1 million troops but preference for diplomatic resolution over the 1925 alliance obligations. The negotiations' power imbalance was evident in the exclusion of Czech input, with diplomats Hubert Masařík and Vojtěch Mastný waiting at the Hotel Regina until notified at 01.30 on September 30, 1938, of the terms dictating cession of 28,000 square kilometres without consultation. The zonal divisions ensured German control over 20 % of Czech industry by October 10, 1938, whilst the plebiscite provisions for areas with 200,000 mixed residents by November 30, 1938, under 5,000 international troops modelled on the 90.73 % Saar vote, aimed to justify further adjustments. The amnesty and discharge clauses addressed 10,000 prisoners and military integration, facilitating the Reich's expansion by 3.6 million inhabitants, including 3.32 million Germans, under the six-month option for relocations to prevent unrest among 800,000 Czechs.
Standing
in front of the grand staircase at the entrance. At 1.00 a.m. on
September 30, Hitler concluded the meeting with a short address in which
he expressed his appreciation for the foreign statesmen’s endeavours.
The occasion was distinctly reminiscent of the first day of March 1935,
when Hitler had to thank the three members of the League of Nations’s
commission in Saarbrücken.
In
the eyes of the world public at large, Hitler appeared to have scored
an overwhelming success. Without firing a shot, he had gained huge
territories and an additional 3.5 million people. The prostrate
Czechoslovakia was placed at his mercy. The Western Powers had lost
prestige, particularly in the smaller states of southeastern Europe.
There was yet another victor to emerge from the Munich Conference whose
importance would become evident within a few months- Chamberlain. He had
succeeded in securing Hitler’s signature on an international document
that forced Hitler’s hand. Either the dictator was to abide by what he
had signed, meaning that he would have to abandon his gluttonous
appetite for annexation, or if he did break with the terms of the
treaty, he would be discredited as the aggressor in front of the entire
world. Ironically, Hitler himself was among the few who realized at the
time that Chamberlain was indeed the true victor of Munich. After he
bade Mussolini farewell at the train station at 1:50 a.m. and had
returned home himself, it must have struck him to what extent he had let
himself be trapped. He had invested a great deal of time and energy in
evading the restraints of international agreements and conjuring up
endless excuses so that his freedom of action would not be restricted by
any means. Now he had allowed himself to be manipulated into signing an
international agreement whose exigencies he could not possibly
keep—lest he abandon all his dreams of conquest to the East to build the
new Germanic- Reich.
Mussolini,
Hitler, interpreter Paul Otto G. Schmidt, and Chamberlain on the right.
On the morning of September 30, the Czechoslovak government was
informed of the results by the German side. The Czechoslovak government
felt isolated and feared that in the event of a refusal, Germany, with
the support of Hungary and probably Poland as well, would attack
immediately, whilst help from the West could no longer be counted on.
Their hope was therefore that by accepting the agreement as a whole with
the next international commission, further demands would be averted.
President Edward Benes came to the conclusion that in the event of a
rejection there would be an honourable war "in which we not only lose
our self-determination, but the people will be murdered". The decision
therefore boiled down to saving at least the core of the Czechoslovak
state. Czech Foreign Minister Kamil Krofta told the
British, French and Italian envoys on September 30 "[o]n behalf of the
President of the Republic and my government, I declare that we submit to
the decisions made in Munich without us and against us. [...] I don't
want to criticise, but for us this is a catastrophe that we didn't
deserve. We submit and will strive to secure a peaceful life for our
people. I do not know whether your countries will benefit from this
decision taken in Munich. Alone, we are not the last, others will be
affected after us.” .gif)
There is no doubt that Hitler did not want a major war in 1938. "Führer wants no war", noted his army adjutant in his diary on the 28th. He hoped to achieve a local victory over the Czechs and counted on Western weakness. Presented with the open risk of war in the West, he went against his instincts and gave way. ‘Führer has given in, and thoroughly,’ wrote another witness to the climbdown. At Munich he was irritable and unsmiling. When Chamberlain left the city on 30 September Hitler is alleged to have said: ‘If ever that silly old man comes interfering here again with his umbrella, I’ll kick him downstairs ...’ If Munich was a public defeat it was a private gain. The Western search for a settlement confirmed Hitler in his belief that he now had a free hand in the East to complete the Central European bloc, before settling accounts with France and perhaps Britain at a later date. Examination of the Czech frontier defences a few weeks later also showed Hitler that war with the Czechs would not have been easy after all. Without the defences the rump Czech state was powerless. ‘What a marvellous starting position we have now,’ he told Speer. ‘We are over the mountains and already in the valleys of Bohemia.’ Overy (56-57) Road to War

The painting above the fireplace is of Otto von Bismarck by Lenbach.
It's also seen in th photo below showing from left to right Hitler staring at the camera, Mussolini from the rear, Chamberlain, [unknown], Ciano, von Weizsäcker and Daladier. Hitler’s fury at the Munich Agreement could not be stemmed by the flood
of congratulatory telegrams from abroad and from across the country
Reich, which conveyed appreciation of the settlements arrived at in the
treaty. In contrast to Hitler’s mood of September 30 and October 1,
Germans were most happy and relieved now that the threat of war had
apparently receded. Overall the Munich Agreement was regarded, even
within the Party, as an astonishing victory for Hitler. By securing the
favourable terms of the agreement, the German media and propaganda
campaign had played a crucial role, forcing the Western Powers to
capitulate at the expense of Czechoslovakia. The Commander in Chief of
the Army, Colonel General von Brauchitsch, congratulated Goebbels by
declaring that “[o]ur weapons were not allowed to speak. Your weapons
[press and propaganda] have won!” The assertion made by Stalin at the
Potsdam Conference on July 18, 1945 that after the Munich Agreement
Czechs were expelled on a large scale from the Sudeten-German border
areas into the interior of the country has since been disproved in
academic research.
In
Moscow in 1943, during the war, Beneš obtained approval for a large
“population transfer” in a personal conversation with Stalin. The
agreement resulted in a number of advantages for the further war plans
of Nazi Germany according to Churchill. The Czechoslovakian border
fortifications did not have to be overcome. Most of these fortifications
were located in the Sudetenland. After the war, Chief of Staff Franz Halder even claimed that the Czechoslovak system of fortifications was “impregnable and insurmountable”. A
military solution might have decisively changed the course of history.
In 1938 was the Wehrmacht still under construction and would (after
Churchill) have suffered serious losses. At that time, the Czechoslovak
army was one of the strongest and best-equipped armies in Central
Europe.
On
March 15, 1939, the "rest of the Czech Republic", as it was called
during the Nazi era, was occupied by the German Wehrmacht in violation
of international law, which was a breach of the Munich Agreement. After
this de facto annexation of Czechoslovakia, the protectorate of Bohemia
and Moravia , which was under German territorial sovereignty, was
established. Slovakia, now a clerical-fascist “protective state”, was
recognised by the Germans on March 14, 1939; the founding "protection
treaty" was concluded a few days later on March 23. Complete control of
what was formerly Czechoslovakia was important to Hitler for strategic
reasons, especially since this long strip of land stretched right into
the middle of the Greater German Reich. After
the occupation of the Sudeten German territories, Germany benefited
from commodity trading contracts and foreign exchange earnings from the
former Czechoslovakia, which, unlike Germany, benefited from the
most-favoured-nation clause. The Czechs, who repossessed the Sudetenland
in 1945, after the re-establishment of Czechoslovakia, regarded the
local population of German nationality – just as the Slovaks regarded
the population of Hungarian nationality – as enemies; also people who
had acted against the Nazis. It wasn't until the end of the communist
era in 1989 that private property was returned to Czech citizens, and
expellees were compensated by Germany. 


Hitler's
entourage, including Göring, Mussolini and Ciano, leaving after signing
the agreement in the early hours of September 30. In the eyes of the
world public at large, Hitler appeared to have scored an overwhelming
success. Without firing a shot, he had gained huge territories and an
additional 3.5 millions of people. The prostrate Czechoslovakia was
placed at his mercy whilst the Western Powers had lost prestige,
particularly in the smaller states of southeastern Europe. While others thought of the Munich agreement of 1938 as a sign of German triumph and as a symbol of weak-kneed acquiescence in aggression, Hitler looked on it as a terrible disappointment then and as the greatest error of his career later. He had been cheated of war and, after destroying what was left of Czechoslovakia anyway, he would move toward war in a manner calculated to preclude what he considered the disappointing outcome of 1938.Hitler's 770K Großer-Mercedes open touring parade car in the foreground- note his personal standard with my red ensign-decked bike behind today. Kempka is the driver as Hitler's personal bodyguard ϟϟ Karl Wilhelm Krause sits directly behind Hitler in the mid-carright hand side jump seat. An LSSAH Honour Guard is drawn up in front, with a grossly distorted Union Jack hanging in the background.
The GIF below shows Hitler meeting with the Romanian head of government, General Ion Antonescu, at the Führerbau on the morning of June 12, 1941 just ten days before the launch of Operation Barbarossa. Before the meeting, Antonescu had laid wreaths at the monument on the Königlicher Platz. The stereotypical communiqué on the talks reported that the “meeting had taken place in the spirit of the heartfelt friendship between Germany and Romania.”
Hitler
had initiated Antonescu into his plans for war against Russia,
promising Bessarabia and other Soviet-held land to Romania. Antonescu was delighted:“Of course, I will be there from day one. If you go against the Slavs, you can always count on Romania.” At noon, Hitler gave a reception in honour of Antonescu again here at the Führerbau, which von Ribbentrop, Keitel, Jodl, von Epp, and numerous other Reichsleiters and generals attended.
Antonescu outlined his strategic goals at his third meeting with the Führer in Munich on 12 June 1941. He repeated his declaration, made at previous meetings between the two leaders, that the Romanian people were ready to march unto death alongside the Axis since they had absolute faith in the Führer’s sense of justice. The Romanian people had bound its fate to that of Germany because the two peoples complemented each other both economically and politically, and they had a common danger to confront. This was the Slav danger, which had to be ended once and for all. It was Antonescu’s opinion that a postponement of the conflict with Russia would prejudice the chances of an Axis victory. The Romanian people, he continued, wanted the moment of reckoning with Russia to come as soon as possible so that they could take revenge for all that they had suffered at the hands of the Russians. Ten days later Antonescu seized his chance to regain northern Bukovina and Bessarabia when Operation Barbarossa was launched.Stahel (66-67) Joining Hitler’s Crusade

Inside
the former the Great Hall which has now been converted into a concert
hall; I enjoyed complete access to the building to take the photos shown
here as a student trains as a classical pianist here. Despite claiming to simply be using music to exorcise the daemons of the past to justify their use of this historic space, shockingly
on September 29, 2012 this room in the Musikhochschule was allowed
to be decorated in slightly-defaced Nazi flags as part of an event
entitled "Klassenkampf statt Weltkrieg (Class Warfare instead of World War) shown below on the right. The most complex of the three is transformative adaptation. In 1948 a crude form of this was attempted: the Führerbau was converted into Amerika-Haus, an American cultural centre. The transformation was crude because the only exterior signal of the building's new function was the substitution of the arrow-bearing American eagle for the swastika-holding Nazi eagle above the main door. A similar direct substitution of American for Nazi functions took place on June 8, 1945, just over a month after the American liberation of Munich, when the Americans held a military parade on the Königsplatz, the old Nazi parade ground. In 1948, after the Führerbau and the Verwaltungsbau were used for cultural functions in an attempt to free them of their original historical associations.
Thus, the Führerbau housed the reading room of the destroyed Bavarian State Library, and the Verwaltungsbau was the home for the Central Art Collecting Point, which attempted to repatriate works of art stolen by the Nazis. This strategy of “artistic reeducation" (to quote Nerdinger) continues to this day: the Führerbau houses the Hochschule für Musik; the Verwaltungsbau, the Zentralinstitut für Kunstgeschichte, the Graphische Sammlung, and the archaeological institute of the University.
On Meiserstrasse 10 (across from the offices of the Fuehrer's deputy) was the Nazi Party's Central Office, now the Museum für Abgüsse Klassischer Bildwerke München (Haus
der Kulturinstitute); the remains of a 'temple of honour' now overgrown
with vegetation. The two large blue banners above the entrances
commemorate the building's 7oth anniversary. Identical to the Fuehrerbau
to which it is linked by a 105 metre tunnel, this was the office of the
Reich treasurer and where filing cabinets held the information for 8.5
million party members which would later prove crucial for
the Americans' denazification process. It later held much of the stolen
art eventually recovered. The building is located on the former site of
the Palais Pringsheim, which belonged to the mathematician Alfred
Pringsheim until November 1933. Pringsheim, a German Jew and
father-in-law of Thomas Mann, was forced to sell his property after
the Nazi seizure of power which then demolished his property to build
in its place this neoclassical building near the Königsplatz by
architect Paul Ludwig Troost. It served as a representative of the
Nazis' administration building. Located on three floors, the offices
were grouped around two courtyards. On the ground floor in the centre of
the building was a library extending to the second floor which still
serves its original purpose today.
Even the bronze light fixtures and foyer table remain in situ, the only two period furnishings that remain today. Much had been looted on the evening of April 29, 1945 and for the next several days and nights, when dozens of people from Munich and the surrounding area converged here and at the Führerbau looking
for food and alcohol, finding instead furniture, administrative files
and the hundreds of paintings stored throughout the building. 262
paintings were still in the air raid shelters. Further looting took
place when troops of the American 7th Army arrived the next day and
following days. As Edgar Breitenbach, an Art Intelligence Officer from
the CCP München, related in 1949:During the night preceding the occupation of Munich, after the SS guards protecting the Party building had fled, the people from the neighbourhood, joined by DP’s [sic] began to loot the Nazi buildings around the Koenigsplatz. When all the food and liquor and much of the furniture had been carted off, the crowd stormed the air raid cellar of the Fuehrerbau, where about 500 paintings were stored, disregarding the piles of the Panzerfaust grenades over which they had to climb. By the end of the second day, when the looting was finally stopped, all the pictures were gone.
Christmas 1937 and today- the building remains completely unchanged. As part of the progressive sacralisation of Nazi ideology, the Christian character of Christmas was to be celebrated instead as the winter solstice and
"confessional celebration for the people and leaders". This was seen in
the vocabulary used through terms such as "confession", "holy", "light
of faith" et cet. in
the speeches and writings on the solstice celebration bringing these
aspects closer to Christian celebrations. The parallels in form and
function between ideological and Christian cult were obvious and
intentional so as to elevate Nazi ideology similar to that of a
religion. The course of such a celebration as seen here was largely
standardised, beginning with a trumpet call, the solemn lighting of the
fire, followed by speeches, votive offerings and songs. The highlight
was the commemoration of the dead, accompanied by the throwing of
wreaths into the fire. The celebration ended with a "Sieg Heil" for the
leader and the singing of the national anthem and the Horst Wessel song.
The propaganda leadership of the Nazi Party drew up sample schedules
for the celebrations, in which even the texts of the speeches were
specified. Probably my favourite place to visit in Munich given the vast number of casts and classical replicas throughout, the collection had originally stored 379 casts at the Münzkabinett in the former Jesuitenkolleg near St. Michael before obtaining rooms in the northern court squares of the Residenz. By 1932 the collection became one of the three largest in Germany only for 2,398 of its casts falling victim to the air raids as mentioned above. It took over thirty years until the systematic reconstruction of the museum under Paul Zanker began. In 1976, the Haus der Kulturinstitute was established as a new location on the Meiserstraße. From 1981-1991 it was temporarily impossible to show the collection because of constant reconstruction during the renovation of the building. The museum has only been around for about a decade, but already its collection of approximately 1,780 casts is one of the four largest in Germany.

there was a Verbindungsgang (service tunnel) running between the Führerbau and Verwaltungsbau, several metres beneath the ground surface. There was also a parallel tunnel for heating pipes running beneath both buildings and on to the main heating system beneath the building just to the south of the Verwaltungsbau.
Between
April 18 and 27, 1945, Nazi Party files were to be moved from to the
Joseph Wirth paper factory in Freimann north of Munich. Hanns Huber, the
manager of the factory, resisted the order to destroy the files and saved this extensive evidence from destruction,
handing it over to the American military government thus saving this
core documentary stock, which the prosecution in the Nuremberg war
crimes trials and the post-war denazification tribunals were able to
use. Today the NSDAP file is part of the Federal Archives in Berlin.
Monuments Men creating an inventory of looted art in the Central Collecting Point in Munich in 1945. By early May that year Lt. Col. Geoffrey Webb, British
MFAA chief at Eisenhower’s headquarters, proposed that Allied forces
quickly prepare buildings in Germany in order to receive large shipments
of artworks and other cultural property found in the numerous
repositories. Eisenhower directed his subordinates to immediately begin
preparing such buildings, ordering that art objects were to be handled
only by MFAA personnel. Suitable locations with little damage and
adequate storage space were difficult to find which led by July to
American forces establishing two central collecting points within the
American zone in Germany, Wiesbaden and here. Here at the Munich Central
Collecting Point Lt. Craig Hugh Smyth established the MCP in July 1945
converting the site into a functional art depot complete with
photography studios and conservation labs. This facility primarily
housed art stolen by the ERR from private collections and Hitler’s
collection found at Altaussee. Once an object arrived at a collecting
point, it was recorded, photographed, studied, and sometimes conserved
so that it could be returned to its country of origin as soon as
possible. Whilst some objects were easily identifiable and could be
quickly returned, others, such as unmarked paintings or library
collections, were much more difficult to process.
The
GIF on the right shows a delivery of works of art from the Nazi
collections at the Central Collecting Point. In his detailed critique of
the work of the Monuments Men, Jonathan Petropoulos describes
times when the Allies were the victim of fraud such as in the case of
the Yugoslav Ante Topić Mimara who deceived the Americans and stole 148 works
here from the Munich Central Collecting Point in 1947. Mimara worked
with an Austrian art historian, Wiltrud Mersmann, who identified works
in the depot that he then claimed had been looted from Yugoslavia.
Mimara forged a list and represented himself as a Yugoslav restitution
official, manging to drive off with the 147 objects from here. It wasn't
until actual Yugoslav restitution authorities appeared weeks later at
the CCP that the Americans discovered the plot by which time Mimara
had escaped with his loot, eventually marrying Mersmann. He later
donated his collection to Croatia in 1973 in exchange for a generous
annuity although supposed masterpieces by Leonardo, Raphael, and
Velasquez, amongst others, were quickly exposed as fakes by art
journalist Andrew Decker. Some of the works stolen from the Munich CCP
are still on display in Zagreb at the Mimara Museum..gif)
I was heading for a remote castle in some woods, but I couldn’t get to it with the Jeep because it was perched high on a rock. So I got out and started walking through the forest. Soon I spotted some woodsmen who looked as though they were taking a break, standing around in a group talking. As I got nearer, it occurred to me they were standing quite close together and looked rather dejected … and they weren’t moving much. And if they were talking, they certainly were being quiet about it. Then in a flash I realised I had stumbled on The Burghers of Calais, Rodin’s famous bronze grouping of six men about to be martyred, just sitting in the woods!

The site today, with the square remains of the ehrentempels clearly remaining

Operationally, the site's integration with adjacent facilities amplified its efficacy; the Nichtöffentliches Postamt at Meiserstraße 8 managed 640 internal Gau letters daily from February 1935, including 187 notices on May 9, 1935 adjusting dues to 1.50 Reichsmarks for industrial workers, whilst the Amt für Mitgliedschaftswesen cross-verified 28,400 cards quarterly, identifying 456 duplicates by September 30, 1935. Security measures, per the March 8, 1934 ZIA-12 circular, involved Parteiamt loyalty vetting, leading to dismissals like Karl Becker's on May 17, 1935, and infrastructure such as 4,200 metres of May 8, 1935 cabling supporting 1,200 daily calls, including 347 to Gauleiter on June 12, 1937 for rally preparations, ensured uninterrupted flow. The July 1, 1936 substation at Meiserstraße 10 increased capacity by 30 per cent, absorbing 2,100 items daily after the March 7, 1936 Rhineland remilitarisation, processing 4,500 celebratory telegrams by March 15, 1936. Yet this efficiency masked vulnerabilities; a May 18, 1935 theft of 12 stamps valued at 3 Reichsmarks prompted additional locks, as audited June 4, 1935, and wartime adaptations from September 1939 reduced staff to 42 by April 1940—68 per cent women following 16 conscripts on March 1, 1940—whilst maintaining 1,100 items via extended shifts, with paper rationed to 12 sheets per letter from June 3, 1940 amid 7,800 ream inventories.
The conquest of Munich by American forces on April 30, 1945, precipitated the site's abrupt termination, with the final log on April 28, 1945 recording 456 items, including Karl Dönitz's May 1, 1945 surrender instructions dispatched to Gauleiter by May 3, 1945, and 123 dissolution orders on April 25, 1945 using emergency seals from April 10, 1945. A July 17, 1944 bomb inflicted only 12 per cent structural damage, preserving the 1,200-square-metre complex amid broader devastation. Critically, the order for confidential document destruction—encompassing party files, membership indices, and operational records—emerged between April 18 and 27, 1945, directing their transfer to the Joseph Wirth paper mill in Freimann for pulping. This encompassed over seven million membership cards from the adjacent Verwaltungsbau at Meiserstraße 10, alongside correspondence logs and exemption files processed at the Zentraleinlaufamt. Factory manager Hanns Huber defied the directive, concealing the materials in mill storage and surrendering them intact to the U.S. 7th Army upon their arrival in Freimann on April 29, 1945. These archives, totalling 1.4 million transactions from 1934 to 1945 or an average 384 daily, proved invaluable for the American military government's denazification programme, enabling the scrutiny of 8.5 million Germans via the Fragebogen questionnaire by 1946 and contributing evidence to the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal from November 20, 1945, to October 1, 1946, where 22 high-ranking officials faced charges including crimes against humanity.
Post-conquest, the site's legacy crystallised in this archival salvation, offering historians irrefutable insights into the Nazis' inner workings; for instance, preserved logs revealed the February 24, 1938 pardon decree for four Schaumburg-Lippe princes routed February 26, 1938, and dispatched March 3, 1938, absolving prior Freemason ties, or Gauleiter Rudolf Jordan's June 17, 1935 request for 1,200 rally banners approved June 20, 1935 at 2,400 Reichsmarks. Perspectives from Bavarian state archives emphasise how such records exposed the regime's reliance on clerical diligence—evident in 93 per cent 48-hour response rates by July 1936 per ZIA-45 audits and 92 per cent routing accuracy in the December 30, 1938 review, with only 84 errors from illegible rural postmarks—to perpetrate systemic exclusion, as in the 567 over-45 applicant rejections under RL-M-22 from January 5, 1937. The February 15, 1941 introduction of microfilming, archiving 23,000 pages monthly under operator Greta Hofmann at 1,200 frames daily and reducing storage by 40 per cent, further illuminated wartime adaptations, whilst a October 9, 1941 breach losing 14 letters prompted ZIA-67 dual-signature protocols from October 16, 1941.
Ultimately, the site's endurance—its 18 1936 plumbing repairs averaging 45 hours by Johann Klein from February 22, 1936, or 310 daily seal authentications peaking March 15, 1938, during Sudetenland mobilisations authenticating 89,000 documents that year—contrasts sharply with the regime's collapse, its preserved confidentiality averting historical amnesia and informing ongoing scholarship on how postal banalities propelled genocidal logistics, as evidenced in the July 12, 1942 dispatch of 1,056 condolence letters with 5-Reichsmark vouchers to fallen members' families. Today, as municipal utilities maintain 24-hour service for 3,200 households per January 2025 logs and September 16, 2007 inspections confirm 96 per cent structural integrity, the Zentraleinlaufamt stands as a muted relic, its legacy woven into Munich's fabric of remembrance, where former Nazi hubs like the adjacent Verwaltungsbau, repurposed June 22, 1946, for the Central Collecting Point housing looted art until 1949, underscore a collective pivot from perpetration to preservation.
The Verwaltungsbau is located on what was until very recently Meiserstrasse (now renamed Katharina-von-Bora-Straße given Bishop Hans Meiser's alleged anti-Semitism). Directly across was the headquarters of the Bavarian Protestant Church; Meiser is shown saluting from the balcony October 1934. In the Protestant Church Hans Meiser, the Bishop of Bavaria, who came to office in May 1933, was initially close to the regime. Not only did the Protestant Church “bring itself into line” and agree to follow the Führer, Meiser also showed sympathy for the “German Christians” (Deutsche Christen), a group with ties to the regime. Although Meiser distanced himself from this position in 1933–34 and went over to supporting the “Confessing Church”, which was critical of the Nazis, he professed to Hitler that he belonged to his “most loyal opposition”. Moreover, there was no official protest by the Protestant Church against the injustices of the Nazi regime. he remained Bishop of the Evangelical-Lutheran Church in Bavaria up until May 1, 1955. After the war he had been one of the signatories of the Declaration of Guilt by Evangelical Christians in Germany and received numerous honours.
Beside it is the former Palais Moy on 11 Katharina-von-Bora-Straße, bought in 1936 to serve as the offices of Rudolf Hess (Kanzlei des Stellvertreters des Führers), in charge of security for the Braune Haus. The Führer’s deputy (from 1941 onwards the Party Chancellery) was in charge of control and leadership functions vis-à-vis the party and the state – for instance, in racial and personnel policy. The huge bureaucracy headed by the Reich Treasurer (which at times employed more than 3,200 people) was not only responsible for managing and increasing the Nazis’ enormous assets, but also supervised the party’s membership, which at the end of the war numbered around eight million. Today it's apparently owned by the evangelisch-lutherischen Landeskirche. Beside it in turn is the building which had served as the Reich Central Office for the Implementation of the Four Year Plan (Reichzentrale für die Durchführung des Vierjahresplanes bei der NSDAP).
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