IB Extended Essay: “Did Mao initiate the Cultural Revolution or was he driven by events beyond control?”


Did Mao initiate the Cultural Revolution or was he driven by events beyond control?”


Abstract

Did Mao initiate the Cultural Revolution by himself, or was he was driven by events beyond his control?
Having read American Chinese sources as extracts form Wu Han’s play I became to understand that Mao was longing for a Revolution, correlating with the struggle for the new economic policy that Mao was trying to implement.. The Great Leap Forward officially ended in 1961, costing millions of lives.
.Why did Wu Han’s play written in 1966 the heatedly criticized play -officially dated- 1966 not stir up history-altering controversy until the Cultural Revolution?
Mao’s wife Jian Qing played a significant role in Mao’s actions. I found out that due to Jian Qing’s motivations and ideas, Mao continually focused a Cultural Revolution.
 Understanding modern Chinese history and can evaluate and assess China’s historical background, interpret and identify, in order to create my personal opinion of China post-Mao, and on societies’ perception today.I was interested in investigating this topic due to my fascination with History and how, and to what extent it relates to modern politics, and the Chinese culture and study of societies. Mao’s main incentives lie in discovering new means to transform China’s party, state & society with ideals- China transformed into a land of prosperity, universal justice in order to gain the attention and respect of the Western powers. Mao also desired to enhance his much weakened authority and reputation through events conducted by himself, such as the Great Leap Forward.


Word count: 240



 Introduction

Was Mao driven to initiate the Cultural Revolution or was he driven by events beyond his control- threats from within the government? In hopes to transform China’s party, society and state under his ideology Mao was driven to initiate the Cultural Revolution by two main purposes - to advance China into a prosperous land emerging as a great leader, and secondly his desire to reinforce his crippled authority and reputation due to the calamity of the Great Leap forward of 1958-1960. [1]
What were potential precursors for the Cultural Revolution were Wu Han’s play “Hai Rui Dismissed from Office” and his opposition within the Party- Liu Shaoqi, Deng Xiaoping and Lin Biao- as well as outside office- his wife Jiang Qing.
The significance of the topic relates to the importance of modern politics and how Chinese relations are handled and interpreted today. It gives the world an insight to a former majestic Empire and allows its full development integrated as a world leading country today. The research question relates to existing knowledge of the Cultural Revolution and take the investigation a step further, debating its origin in order to be able to detect complex issues.
The historical significance of this question can not be stressed enough; through the identification of Mao’s public enemies, especially those within the government, and the consideration of the variety of aspects under which Mao was influenced, evaluates his actions taken and events that were seemingly beyond his control with the judgment of historians and Chinese citizens from China under Mao’s influence. In reference to relevant ideas and opinions, it allows for my evaluation and of Historians’ perceptions of Mao, pre- and post-revolution as readers and historians alike will be able to determine the effect of Mao’s suppression in relation to China’s society and how we perceive modern Chinese history today: to what extent the opposition groups of Mao have influenced Mao’s decisions and struggle for power, and to clarify if it was really Mao who initiated the Cultural Revolution of 1966 or if it was driven by events beyond his control.
‘Events beyond control’, as stated in the research question is defined by the threats of opposition groups of Mao, which are of significant importance to understand Mao’s position of launching the Cultural Revolution of 1966. Suppression from within the government forced Mao to deal with the dominant influence of Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping between 1961-66, who, opposing Mao’s authority, reintroduced some capitalist incentives and were his strongly opposed enemies. Interestingly enough, Mao posed threats outside the government as well; his wife Jiang Qing ultimately initiated Mao’s realization in his favour to advocate a critique of Wu Han’s historically significant play
One can question if Mao would have emerged as a powerful force if there would not have been a popular critique in Mao’s favour, as we learned that he was insulted by the prominent portrayal of Peng Dehuai as Hai Rui in the Ming Dynasty criticizing the Emperor portrayed as a hero.
“The disastrous consequences of the Great Leap Forward had shaken the myth of Mao’s infallibility, weakening for the first time chairman’s leadership of the party and state.[2]
Chen Jian describes Mao as “Mao could clearly sense that both his grand revolutionary enterprise and his own “indisputable position as the party’s paramount leader were at stake”.[3] Chen Jian, who had experienced the China under Mao’s rule.
The significance of this extract lies in the fact that it was the fist time that Mao had to deal  with criticism within that initially fuelled his insecurities and resulted in a the encouragement to prove his power to potentially save his position in the CCP. In the way that Mao behaved in situations like these, portrays his continual thirst for Revolution and acceptance as the greatest of Chinese leaders.
Mao’s ideology of continuous revolution and rectification instinctively lead Mao to make his decisions, whether he felt threatened from his opposition or encouraged.
Mao’s battle with Liu Shaoqi about the Socialist Education Movement is a vibrant example of how Mao fought for authority and his key aims of this Movement, such as the intensification of class struggle, the purity of ideology and reinforcing his Communist revolutionary idea into the party.
The building up of his personal powerbase within the PLA under Lin Biao was an attempt to threaten his opposition and to set a clear statement of his authority, and the creation of the Red Guards and China’s economical impact are of crucial importance in order to identify Mao’s initiative. Most importantly the row over Wu Han’s play and the dismissal of Hai Rai from office are of extreme significance and importance to consider if Mao initiated the Cultural Revolution or if he was driven by events beyond his control.

Mao was leader of the Cultural Revolution and as the initiator of Chinese social and political reform. Others claim that Mao was struggling for his position in power, and being a weak dictator in the terms of carrying out actions/ was by no means entirely responsible for the Revolution on the mass scale it occurred.
In this essay I will prove that Mao was the initiator of the Cultural Revolution only because of his weak struggle for power, and that his opposition and events beyond his control underlined his fight for the success of his ideology and ended his brutal regime.

Body
Wu Han’s Play and the Dismissal of Hai Rui
The row over Wu Han’s play, first published in 1944 is of significant importance when attempting to understand Mao’s political decisions
in prior the Cultural Revolution,
which is why Wu Han’s play is so significant as it is a major debatable issue for varied interpretations of how it impacted Mao to initiate the Cultural Revolution. What got me interested is that I was not capable of retrieving Chinese sources for interpretation, as it is banned in China. I used the following non-Chinese sources written, which interestingly enough were written by American historians.
Wu Han’s play “Hai Rui Dismissed from Office” of 1965 was based on the on the Ming Minister Hai Rui of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), who criticized the Emperor and was therefore imprisoned, whereas Han portrays Rui as a hero. Mao was originally impressed by the production, until Yao Wenyuan published an article castigating Mao’s dismissal of Peng Dehuai, who had criticized Mao’s eclipse of the Great Leap Forward at the Lushan Conference, 1959. Arguably, Mao’s dismissal was part of his resentment towards Peng Dehuai, Dehuai’s involvement in the Korean War, leading to the death of Mao’s son. Due to the controversial play, Mao “denounced the reactionary ideology of Wu Han”[4], fuelling his rage and “distrust of intellectuals for their independent thought and elitism”[5] - implementing his sense for a change in school and university systems. By criticizing Wu Han’s play Mao was “attacking the party apparatus and leadership that had permitted the publication of the play and implemented many other policies that Mao opposed”[6]- Mao was decisive that the leading party had “sabotaged”[7] him once again whilst he was implementing “radical social change” in China, which ultimately lead to his decision to plan a reformed China. On the issue of Mao’s discontent and public attack on Mao , historian Peter R. Moody claims that by 1965 Wu Han “had become completely disillusioned”[8]. Peter R. Moody describes Wu Han’s protagonist, the “peasant emperor”[9] from the Ming dynasty and Mao Zedong to have striking “similarities”[10]. Moody claims that Wu had been oblivious to all the fundamental comparisons to Mao, and “could not have known this until 1965”.[11]

“Mao remarked: ‘The crux of Hai Jui (Rui) Dismissed from Office was the question of dismissal from office. The Jia Qing Emperor (of the Ming Dynasty 1522-1566) dismissed Hai Jui from office. And Peng Dehuai is “Hai Jui” too.’ ”[12]

Coming directly from Mao, the quote demonstrates his pure abomination with Peng Dehuai. I will interpret his abhorrence originating from the crippled relationship Mao to do with the death of Mao’s son. It also provides the relation to the 1600s when the original play was first performed. Dating back for several centuries, only further exhibits how traditional China still was to Mao Zedong’s regime, and how powerful this play becomes through the extensive time gap that gives such significance and importance to it, making it all the more insulting to the current leader, in comparison to the biography of the first Emperor of the Ming Dynasty.

What American historian and Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affair Lieberthal suggests[13]  is that Mao’s wife Jiang Qing was the origin and cause for initiating the critique of the play, under Mao’s name. Chiang argued that the play Hai Rui Dismissed from Office was in fact, a direct attack on Mao from “political enemies”[14] which represented the dismissal of Peng Dehuai for which Mao was responsible for Lieberthal clarifies that Chiangs allegation is “plausible but probably wrong”[15]- that Wu Han had written the play before attending the Luhsan Conference, with proof through the “specific request of Mao’s secretaries”[16].  Officially the Luhsan Conference been called upon to discuss the course of the Great Leap Forward, and given the circumstances to deal the nation-spread famine, it was Peng Dehuai himself that expressed his concern: “ ‘I saw my people lying dead and dying in the fields and by the roadside.’ ”[17] Peng’s declaration had him declared as a “troublemaker”[18] and got denounced by the delegates of the Luhsan conference and the fellow delegates.  Retracing my original steps, it was Mao who was ultimately persuaded by Jiang to have Yao Wenyuan to produce a critique of the play. Peng was known to maintain a close relationship with Peng Zhen- deputy as Mayor of Beijing. It forced Peng Dehuai to choose sides with the idea of Wu Han or Mao. Distinctively, it was Mao’s wife that initiated Wu Han’s play to receive critical reception as to promoting the idea of that the party would launch a revolution to draw out the intellectuals of society, and in the long-run, causing the dismissal of Peng Dehuai from office.
Exactly this dismissal is significant, as it symbolizes the reception of the public in Mao’s favour- unconditional support- but not 
Lieberthals explanation is valuable, providing new understanding of how Mao was driven to initiate a political act under the influence of his wife- and not the CCP or other government officials. However, this appealing viewpoint contains limitations as it does not explain any reasons why Mao accepted his wife’s opinion as the general Chinese mentality regarding women, the distorted image in leading positions- considering in the fact that Mao was prominently known to enjoy plays.
Although British historian Jack Gray does not diminish the argument of the wife ‘pulling the strings’ behind the critical response of Wu Han’s play, he specifically argues that the play and its origins lie in the Great Leap Forward and the famine of the nation due the corruptive government system.  What was the critical argument between Peng Dehuai and Mao- with contradicting viewpoints about Hai Rui – “ ‘For the retention of the seal of office’, read Peng’s determination to persist his condemnation in spite of all warnings. ”[19] in contrast to which Mao responded: “ ‘For the Emperor, mislead by bad counsellors,’ ”[20] This confrontation is significant when direct communication seemed inevitable between Mao and Peng, opposition within the Party resulting in the latter’s expulsion- and the potential spark of the Cultural Revolution due to the power altercation.

Experts such as the historians Schoenhals and McFarquhar claims that the critique of Yao Wenyuan “kicked off the Cultural Revolution.”[21] , in no mention to who initiated the critical response. The extreme detail of Schoenhals’ and McFarquhars’ work is extraordinarily insightful, providing primary evidence for critical evaluation of my own.

The Sunday Times describes female historian Mitters’ work as “Raises such big questions and does so in such striking good prose”, I was not convinced by the clarity of the text; proving a dismal interpretation of Wu Han’s play, only to describe that the critical reception of Mao through this play was the key initiator to the Cultural Revolution, which “paved the way of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.” [22] Mitter does give an interesting and useful insight by providing a primary source from British economist Joan Robinson who experienced the Cultural Revolution as a foreign observer: “ ‘…another generation… plunged into the revolution… without the aid of grown-ups and Long Marches, they learned more about politics.’ ”[23] Discussing that Joan Robinson was present in China to the begin of the revolution, unable to give insight to the impact on society or having been a scarred nation by the end of the revolution in 1976. It is limited to the value of helping the outside observers to relate what a foreigner- oblivious to the consequences the powerful Cultural Revolution would expel- might experience.

Jiang Qing
Jiang Qing was the most prominently contested politician in China’s 20th Century politics- sharing a position in the CCP along with her husband Mao Zedong. Chinese traditional imagery and portrayal of the fanatical wife that curses evil, did not only exist in the eye of the members of the CCP. After the criticism of Wu Han’s play under Mao’s name -along with Peng Dehuai- she was publicly humiliated a through vicious attacks of patriotic revolutionaries. Upon “Jiang Qing! Jiang Qing! Poisonous snake, devil woman! You cruelly injure the loyal, ad bring calamity to the country and the people!”[24] Due to controversial incidents opposing Jiang’s public appearances, she did not gain much support.  This quote displayed on poster from the university student, a teacher and a worker- the intellectuals and the working class- evidently called himself “children of the party” upon throwing beastly accusations as Jiang. As a women it was easily disputed that Jiang could serve as the culprit of any negative disputes arose for which Mao would have been responsible for and received negatively, blamed for what Anchee Min describes as “countless bloody executions” on his wife.  Having grown up in Communist China and experienced understanding and admiration for “Madame Mao” alike,
University professors June Grasso, Jay Corin Michael Kort, teach cultural China in a admirable level, however the depth analysis is missing that challenges not only the lay historian, but  describes the prominent figure “Jiang Qing, Mao’s wife, an enthusiastic force behind the Cultural Revolution.”[25], underlining the importance of he presence and character in the shadow of Mao’s support, but fails to establish a connection to Jiang’s antagonistic reception within Chinese society.
Mao, portrayed as a God-like figure emerged in the Cult of Mao. Mao initiated the collaboration with his wife, from which I assume he enjoyed the support and relied greatly on her, enabling her to become a key political figure behind Mao. “a closely knit group… away form the centre of party power.”[26] What I can draw from this evidence, is that Mao’s wife certainty was fully supported her husband and her doing were misperceived in the public eye, as the excuse of Mao’s failures- as mentioned through Mao’s approved public executions– and is not at all as devilish as portrayed- struggling for survival as the better half, when according to the public eye, Mao’s better half are “Mao’s children”- the citizens of China.

Based on the evidence under this section, I must suggest that Mao was controlled through various issues, like his wife Chiang, that forced the weak dictator to act, only to learn from the consequences of the dismissal of Peng Dehuai that he would emerge as After this event- Mao assured of his power,  now relates to the Cultural Revolution
Overall, I am more or less convinced by the detail Jack Gray offers in “Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to the 1980s”, explaining how the critique of the play came about, and the source of public humiliation of Mao due to Wu Han’s Hai Rui Dismissed from Office. I believe to that Mao’s anger emerged through the public humiliation and the empowerment through the support of his wife, and the ability to focus his rage on an individual about the death of his son during the Korean war, for which Mao made Peng Dehuai responsible for- to prove his power with the desire to gain respect and cult status of the people of China. For this reason, I believe that this was the precursor for the Cultural Revolution.
To that extent, I agree with Historians Schoenhals and McFarquhar that it kicked off the revolution-
Grasso, Kort and Corrin effectively display Mao’s perspective and allow me to evaluate to what extent Mao was planning to revenge critics and counter-revolutionaries 

Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping between 1961-66
So why did Mao Zedong launch the Cultural Revolution? “Mao’s final effort to regain control over the progress of the revolution in the form of a power struggle against Liu Shaoqi and his supporters.”[27] June Grasso states this as the major factor for Mao’s decision to drive out his opponents, which resulted in the Cultural Revolution.
The rivalry of Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi between Mao, were precursors to the Cultural Revolution and Mao’s desire to recreate a Communist China. Mao distinctively knew his opponents and was aware that in order to become the Chairman of China and eventually to establish the Cult of Mao, he would need to succeed in driving out his enemies.
 Liu Shaoqi, the chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, elected in the new state constitution of 1954, chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress and Vice Premier of the State Council and secretary general of the party was one of Mao’s main public enemies he was determined to eliminate.
“Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping controlled the Party Central Committee in the capital”[28]
Liu Saoqi, prominently became “Mao’s chief target”[29], potentially the fear of who would be his successor after his death- who would continue to lead the Cult of Mao?
Mao’s concern with creating the new elite, the  “bourgeois”[30]

Lin Biao

Lin Yurong- predominantly known under the nom de guerre Lin Biao- prominently supported Mao in favour of a Cultural Revolution. In an official speech of Lin Biao: Lin Biao tongzhi zai Zhongyang gongzuo huiyi shang de jianghua (Lin Biao’s Talk at the Central Work Conference)[31] the military leader and Mao’s comrade-in-arms, emphasizes the necessity of having a revolution and proposes the question of “how is it to be done?”[32] - in order to show is undeniable support to Mao Zedong.
Mao’s advocate was known for working not only towards common goals, but also under Mao’s supervision and acted for common aims- Lin Biao attacked The Four Olds, which Mao wanted to exterminate  “Old Ideas, Old Culture, Old Customs, Old Habits”[33]. Directed at China’s Youth, Lynch describes the process of eradication of these elements as “bizarre”- “a man of 73 years, calling on the young to overthrow the old…irony when unnoticed by the youngsters.”[34] Truthfully, I too agree with this statement; when “China had been told that nothing in its past was worth preserving.”[35], a great deal of irony is present. Mao, dedicated to re-establish China, provided an excellent platform for the re-education of the Red nation in eradicating everything that China had consisted of until this day- the man that ostensibly loved the Chinese nation, to lead it towards a healthy and better life, ultimately destroyed the lives of 70 million[36] son’s and daughters of the nation through his utopian reform of China, the Cultural Revolution.

Conclusion
So why did the Cultural Revolution end with Mao’s death? How significant is this fact- would it have continued?
After Mao’s death, Jiang Qing was imprisoned, and committed suicide soon after.
Through this evaluation and that Mao did not initiate the Cultural Revolution by with reform and re-education on his mind, the significance of the critique his wife successfully initiated and planted the idea of power into Mao conciseness Wu Han’s play-
Due to the successful elimination of Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi the Cultural Revolution was successful for Mao.


Bibliography
MLA Style

Books

Chang, Jung. Wild Swans: Three Daughters of China. London: Flamingo, HarperCollins,
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Chang, Jung., Halliday, Jon. Mao: The Unknown Story. New Ed. Random House UK; 4. January 2007.

Evans, Richard. Deng Xiaoping and the Making of Modern China. ed: Reprint. Penguin (Non-Classics), 1. May 1995.

Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004.

Gray, Jack. Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to 2000: China from the 1880s to 2000 (Short Oxford History of the Modern World). 2nd ed. New York: Oxford University Press; 15. May 2003.

Gray, Jack. Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to the 1980s. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 1990.

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Mitter, Rana. A Bitter Revolution: China’s stuggle with the Modern World. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 2004.

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Interview




[1] Jian, Chen. Mao’s China and the Cold War. London: The University of North Carolina Press/Chapel Hill, 2001. Page 243-244.

[2] Jian, Chen. Mao’s China and the Cold War. London: The University of North Carolina Press/Chapel Hill, 2001. Page 82.
[3] Jian, Chen. Mao’s China and the Cold War. London: The University of North Carolina Press/Chapel Hill, 2001. Page 82.

[4] Schoenhals, Michael, ed. China's Cultural Revolution, 1966-1969: Not a Dinner Party. M E Sharpe Inc, August 1996. Page 16.
[5] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 198.
[6] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 207.
[7] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed.. M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 207.

[8] Moody, Peter R. Oppositon and dissent in contemporary China. Hoover Inst Pr, 1977
[9] Moody, Peter R. Oppositon and dissent in contemporary China. Hoover Inst Pr, 1977
[10] Moody, Peter R. Oppositon and dissent in contemporary China. Hoover Inst Pr, 1977
[11] Moody, Peter R. Oppositon and dissent in contemporary China. Hoover Inst Pr, 1977
[12] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed.. M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 210.

[13] MacFarquhar, Roderick. The Politics of China: The Eras of Mao and Deng. 2nd edition. Cambridge University Press 1993, 1997. Page 135.
[14] MacFarquhar, Roderick. The Politics of China: The Eras of Mao and Deng. 2nd edition. Cambridge University Press 1993, 1997. Page 135.
[15] MacFarquhar, Roderick. The Politics of China: The Eras of Mao and Deng. 2nd edition. Cambridge University Press 1993, 1997. Page 135.
[16] MacFarquhar, Roderick. The Politics of China: The Eras of Mao and Deng. 2nd edition. Cambridge University Press 1993, 1997. Page 135.
[17] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008. Page 62
[18] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008. Page 62
[19] Gray, Jack. Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to the 1980s. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 1990. Page 334.
[20] Gray, Jack. Rebellions and Revolutions: China from the 1800s to the 1980s. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 1990. Page 334.
[21] MacFarquhar, Roderick., and Schoenhals, Michael. Mao’s Last Revolution. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 4. March 2008. Page 421.
[22] Mitter, Rana. A Bitter Revolution: China’s stuggle with the Modern World. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 2004. Page 210.
[23] Mitter, Rana. A Bitter Revolution: China’s stuggle with the Modern World. Oxford University Press Inc., New York, 2004. Page 211.
[24] MacFarquhar, Roderick., and Schoenhals, Michael. Mao’s Last Revolution. Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 4. March 2008. Page 421.

[25] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed.. M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 211.

[26] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed.. M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 211.
[27] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 208.

[28] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 211.
[29] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 211.
[30] Grasso, June., Corrin, Jay P., and Kort, Michael. Modernization and Revolution in China: From the Opium Wars to World Power. 3rd ed. published in … M E Sharpe Inc; 8. August 2004. Page 208.

[31] Schoenhals, Michael, ed. China's Cultural Revolution, 1966-1969: Not a Dinner Party. . M E Sharpe Inc, August 1996. Page 9.
[32] Schoenhals, Michael, ed. China's Cultural Revolution, 1966-1969: Not a Dinner Party. . M E Sharpe Inc, August 1996. Page 10.
[33] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008.  Page 81.

[34] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008. Page 81.

[35] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008.  Page 81.

[36] Lynch, Michael. People’s Republic of China 1949 – 1976 (Access to History). 2nd ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton, 2008.