How and why have religious groups a) opposed, and b) supported single party regimes?

 From the 2001 IBDP History Paper 2 Exam

Religious groups have played a significant role in the political landscape of many countries, often finding themselves at the crossroads of support and opposition to single-party regimes. The dynamics of this relationship are multifaceted, influenced by factors such as the ideological alignment between the religious group and the regime, the political ambitions of the religious group, and the regime's approach to religious freedom. This essay will delve into the reasons and methods through which religious groups have both opposed and supported single-party regimes, drawing on the perspectives of various scholars to provide a comprehensive analysis. 

Focusing initially on the opposition of religious groups to single-party regimes, it is essential to consider the ideological differences that often exist between the two entities. Single-party regimes, particularly those with a socialist or communist orientation, have historically been associated with secularism or atheism, creating a fundamental conflict with religious groups. For instance, in the Soviet Union under Stalin, the regime's atheistic stance led to widespread persecution of religious groups, who in turn became staunch opponents of the regime. Fitzpatrick's analysis of this period highlights the regime's systematic destruction of churches and the repression of religious leaders, which galvanised opposition among religious communities. The ideological conflict extends beyond atheism versus theism. In some cases, the political ideology of the regime may be at odds with the moral or ethical teachings of a religious group. For example, in apartheid-era South Africa, the Dutch Reformed Church initially supported the regime due to shared Afrikaner identity. However, as the regime's policies became increasingly oppressive, the church, influenced by its Christian teachings on equality and justice, began to oppose the regime. Lodge's work on this period emphasises the church's role in mobilising opposition against apartheid, demonstrating the power of religious groups in political resistance.

Another factor that can drive religious groups to oppose single-party regimes is the perceived threat to their autonomy and influence. Single-party regimes, by their nature, tend to centralise power and suppress potential sources of opposition. This often includes religious groups, particularly those with significant social influence or those that challenge the regime's authority. In Iran under the Shah, for instance, the regime's modernisation policies were seen as a threat to the traditional influence of the Shia clergy. Abrahamian's study of this period highlights the clergy's role in leading the opposition against the Shah, culminating in the Islamic Revolution of 1979. The opposition of religious groups to single-party regimes is not limited to overt resistance. In some cases, religious groups may adopt a strategy of passive resistance or non-cooperation, refusing to endorse the regime or participate in its activities. This form of opposition can be particularly effective in societies where religious groups command significant respect or moral authority. For example, in Franco's Spain, the regime sought the endorsement of the Catholic Church to legitimise its rule. However, as Preston's research reveals, many within the Church chose to withhold their support, undermining the regime's attempts at religious legitimisation. In summary, religious groups oppose single-party regimes for a variety of reasons, ranging from ideological conflict to the protection of their autonomy and influence. Their methods of opposition can be equally diverse, encompassing both active resistance and more subtle forms of non-cooperation. The opposition of religious groups can pose a significant challenge to single-party regimes, undermining their legitimacy and potentially mobilising broader societal resistance.

Turning to the support of religious groups for single-party regimes, one of the primary reasons is ideological alignment. When the principles or goals of a regime align with those of a religious group, the latter may lend its support to the former. This alignment can be based on shared religious beliefs, as was the case in Iran after the Islamic Revolution. Here, the establishment of an Islamic Republic aligned with the goals of the Shia clergy, leading to their support for the new regime. Keddie's work on post-revolutionary Iran underscores this alignment, noting the clergy's role in consolidating the regime's power. Ideological alignment can also occur on non-religious issues. For example, in Rwanda, the Catholic Church supported the Hutu-led single-party regime due to shared socio-political goals, namely the empowerment of the Hutu majority. Longman's analysis of this period highlights the Church's role in promoting the regime's policies, demonstrating how ideological alignment can lead to religious support for single-party regimes. Another reason for religious support of single-party regimes is the pursuit of protection or preferential treatment. Single-party regimes often seek to co-opt influential social groups, including religious ones, to consolidate their power. In return, these groups may receive benefits such as legal protection, financial support, or a privileged position in society. In Franco's Spain, for instance, the regime granted the Catholic Church a privileged status in return for its support, as highlighted in Payne's study of the period.

In addition to ideological alignment and the pursuit of protection or preferential treatment, religious groups may also support single-party regimes out of pragmatism. In situations where opposition is likely to result in severe repression, religious groups may choose to support the regime as a survival strategy. This was the case in Saddam Hussein's Iraq, where some religious groups chose to support the regime to avoid persecution. Tripp's work on this period provides insight into this pragmatic approach, noting the complex and often uneasy relationship between religious groups and the regime. The methods through which religious groups support single-party regimes can be as diverse as the reasons for their support. These methods can include public endorsements, participation in regime-sponsored activities, and the promotion of regime policies among their followers. In some cases, religious groups may even collaborate with the regime in suppressing opposition. For example, in Nazi Germany, parts of the Protestant Church collaborated with the regime in persecuting Jews and other minority groups. Kershaw's research on this period sheds light on this darker aspect of religious support for single-party regimes. In conclusion, religious groups support single-party regimes for a variety of reasons, including ideological alignment, the pursuit of protection or preferential treatment, and pragmatism. Their methods of support can range from public endorsements to active collaboration in regime activities. The support of religious groups can be a valuable asset for single-party regimes, helping them to consolidate power and legitimise their rule.

The relationship between religious groups and single-party regimes is not always clear-cut, with opposition and support often co-existing within the same religious group. This complexity can be attributed to a variety of factors, including internal divisions within religious groups, changes in regime policies, and shifts in the broader socio-political context. Internal divisions within religious groups can lead to differing stances towards a single-party regime. For instance, in China under the Communist Party, the Buddhist community has been divided in its response. On one hand, some Buddhists have supported the regime due to its promotion of economic development and social stability, aspects that align with Buddhist teachings on societal harmony. On the other hand, other Buddhists have opposed the regime due to its restrictions on religious freedom and its treatment of Tibetan Buddhists. Weller's study of Buddhism in contemporary China highlights this internal division, illustrating the complexities of religious responses to single-party regimes.

Changes in regime policies can also lead to shifts in the stance of religious groups. A regime that initially represses religious groups may later seek to co-opt them in order to consolidate power or gain legitimacy. This was the case in Vietnam, where the Communist Party initially suppressed religious groups but later sought their support as part of its 'doi moi' reform policies. Taylor's research on this period highlights the shift in the regime's approach and the corresponding shift in the stance of religious groups, demonstrating the dynamic nature of their relationship. Finally, shifts in the broader socio-political context can influence the stance of religious groups towards single-party regimes. For instance, in the face of external threats or societal upheaval, religious groups may choose to support the regime as a source of stability, even if they have previously opposed it. This was the case in Syria, where many religious groups rallied behind the Assad regime during the civil war, despite previous tensions. Hinnebusch's work on this period provides a nuanced understanding of these dynamics, underscoring the impact of external factors on the relationship between religious groups and single-party regimes. In examining the complex interplay between opposition and support within religious groups towards single-party regimes, it becomes clear that their stance is not static but evolves in response to a variety of internal and external factors. This complexity underscores the need for a nuanced understanding of the relationship between religious groups and single-party regimes, one that goes beyond simplistic narratives of opposition or support.

In conclusion, the relationship between religious groups and single-party regimes is multifaceted and dynamic, shaped by a complex interplay of ideological, political, and pragmatic considerations. Religious groups can oppose single-party regimes due to ideological conflict, threats to their autonomy, or the regime's approach to religious freedom. Conversely, they can support such regimes due to ideological alignment, the pursuit of protection or preferential treatment, or out of pragmatism. Moreover, opposition and support can coexist within the same religious group, reflecting internal divisions, changes in regime policies, or shifts in the broader socio-political context. The perspectives of scholars such as Heath, Fitzpatrick, Lodge, Abrahamian, Preston, Keddie, Longman, Payne, Tripp, Kershaw, Weller, Taylor, and Hinnebusch have been invaluable in illuminating these dynamics. Their analyses underscore the power of religious groups in shaping political outcomes, the strategies they employ in navigating their relationship with single-party regimes, and the factors that influence their stance. The exploration of this topic underscores the importance of a nuanced understanding of the relationship between religious groups and single-party regimes. It is a relationship that is not static but evolves in response to a variety of internal and external factors. This complexity challenges simplistic narratives of opposition or support and calls for a more comprehensive approach to the study of religion and politics.