The Abdication of Willy Brandt

The Abdication of Willy Brandt

How far did the scandal around Günter Guillaume contribute to Willy Brandt’s abdication from the position as chancellor in 1974?

Extended Essay: History
Word Count: 3993
May 2018
Table of Contents


Imagine a John le Carré type book: During the midst of the Cold War, East- Germany (DDR) is able to infiltrate West- Germany’s (FRG) government. An East- German spy works himself through the political hierarchy ending up as one of the chancellor’s chief advisors. During the late sixties and early seventies when the Western- Allies rely on the FRG to stabilize relations with the East the government is in fact being advised by a spy. This story is however not a work of fiction but rather the reality during Willy Brandt’s time as chancellor. Brandt was one of Germany’s most prominent chancellors who was known nationally and internationally for his recognition of Germany’s borders, the Oder- Neiße Grenze, and for his “Ostpolitik”, for which he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Yet his chancellorship came to an abrupt halt in 1974 during the midst of his second legislative period.[1] For the German population, Willy Brandt was a politician who followed a clear goal and did not manoeuvre his agenda from one problem to the next.[2] On top of that many saw him as a new beginning as he was the first politician to be elected after the Second World War who was part of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) and not the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) which had ruled since 1949. [3]  For many, he represented what Le Monde was able to sum up in one sentence: “Willy Brandt remained for a long time the archetype of political modernity, the opposite of yesterday’s Europe”.[4] Although he polarised and split the German population like no other, he was able, with the help of his party, to receive the most mandates that the SPD would ever receive during a popular election in their entire history.[5] In 1974 however, Brandt abdicated after it was said that he tripped over the East- German Spy Günter Guillaume who was exposed after one year of investigations against him.[6] Recent historians such as Hermann Schreiber are however moving away from this thesis, arguing that it was placed in the foreground to preserve the idealised image of Brandt in Germany and that in fact, other issues motivated Brandt to abdicate.[7] These alternating views lead to the research question: “How far did the scandal around Günter Guillaume contribute to Willy Brandt’s abdication from the position as chancellor in 1974?” With the newly available information, it appears that far from being the strong leader who enabled Germany’s fresh start it seems like he was a broken man who suffered depressions which restricted him from fulfilling his job as chancellor. With all of these other factors to consider the story no longer seems to be as simple as a spy novel but now seems like a complex political drama. These ideas show the true significance of the investigation as it will examine if Brandt can be seen as the role model which he presents today. This becomes a pressing issue when considering that even today Brandt’s weaknesses and mistakes are often ignored, and only his role as a visionary in German politics is highlighted.[8] As Brandt’s resignation is no longer attributed to the Guillaume affair, new reasons have to be found which mainly lay within what is today considered weak leadership style but also his bad shape in regards to his physical but also mental health. In order to thoroughly examine the reasons for his abdication, a wide variety of sources will be considered ranging from statement’s given by his former employee’s, podcasts, historical analysis of his abdication but also interviews with current members of the SPD. This will ultimately help argue that Willy Brandt abdicated due to his political and personal weakness in 1974, however, using the Guillaume Affair as an opportunity to swiftly end his career as German chancellor.

The Guillaume Affair

Introduction to Günter Guillaume

Günter Guillaume was responsible for the most significant political scandal in Germany, and many, such as Bernd Faulenbach writing in 2013, have argued that it caused Brandt to abdicate.[9] In 1956 Guillaume and his wife migrated to West- Germany from the East with the mission to spy and collect information on the political system.[10] Working himself through the ranks of the SPD in Germany ending up as one of Brandt’s chief advisors in 1969. He established his position in the SPD by organising the extremely successful election campaign in 1972 which enabled Brandt to consolidate his power.[11] It took the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV), acting as the domestic security agency, one year to expose the East- German spy, during which Guillaume kept working as usual without any restrictions. After visiting the Willy Brandt Museum, located in central Berlin, it was found that this ignores Brandt’s abdication altogether, attempting to preserve his image, with the exception of one sentence prescribing his abdication purely to the Guillaume affair. (Photo of the relevant section in the museum is presented in the Appendix). Once the scandal was made public in 1974, Brandt abdicated, naming Guillaume as the sole reason for his abdication.[12]

The Role of Guillaume in Norway

Although Brandt never saw Guillaume as a friend or even as anybody who he would necessarily want to spend time with, he accompanied Brandt on his summer holidays to Norway in July 1973. Thomas Ramge argues that this joint vacation was unusually scandalous as the BfV was already suspicious of Guillaume being a spy and Brandt was informed about these suspicions before the holidays in May 1973, and yet he was taken.[13] What is however ignored is that this was part of the strategy to convict Guillaume as he was supposed to be caught red-handed. The BfV of the most important secret services in Germany, however, did not think it necessary to observe Guillaume in Norway as they were of the opinion that nothing significant concerning their investigation would happen, in the remote areas of Norway.[14] Quite the opposite was however the case as during the holidays 49 documents including eleven, which were labelled secret went through the hands of Guillaume.[15] Most of these contained specific information about the stressed relations between America and another NATO partner which Hélène Miard- Delacroix explains were of particular interest to East- Germany but especially the Soviet Union.[16] Guido Knopp argues that Brandt was simply careless to allow Guillaume to handle all information sent to him in Norway and information sent to Germany from Norway even though he was aware of the suspicions against the possible spy.[17] Knopp is often criticised for his novel like recollections of events however his deductions are all based on historical facts making him a credible historian to consider. In a Der Spiegel article published immediately after Brandt’s abdication, the reasons for his decision are exclusively tied to Guillaume.[18] This view is supported by the German politician Wolfgang Clement who argues that especially the fact that Guillaume was able to view all documents concerning Brandt in Norway escalated the scandal and caused Brandt to abdicate in 1974.[19] Clement, however, sees most of the fault on the BfV’s side arguing that they should have been more efficient in uncovering Guillaume’s true identity. The problem with Clement here is that he worked under Brandt and is a member of the SPD thus making him bias in respect to the question whose fault it was that Guillaume could work so freely in Norway and all the way up to his exposure. With the benefit of hindsight, historians have moved away from the thesis that Guillaume’s presence in Norway caused Brandt to abdicate now searching for the reasons in Brandt’s personal life. The historian Eckard Michels goes a step further in arguing that the Norway holidays should not have contributed to the abdication at all. He explains this by pointing out that although Guillaume had made copies of most of the documents distributed in Norway, including those labelled secret, he did not pass any of them on to the East- German government. This information however only surfaced after the fall of the Berlin Wall and access to the archives was granted. With the opening of the archives, it was found that the information Guillaume had provided the East with had been very limited and were not used extensively.[20] The embarrassment that came with employing an East German spy, as one of Brandt’s chief advisors, and him knowing about the suspicions against the spy for about a year and not reacting to them caused Brandt to consider an abdication from chancellorship. 

Guillaume’s involvement in Brandt’s Sex Affairs

As part of the investigations lead by the BfV it was discovered that Guillaume had also done Brandt personal favours on election campaign tours such as introducing women to him which ended in multiple sex affairs evolving around Brandt. The German historian Edgar Wolfrum argues that the fear of these affairs being used as a way to campaign against Brandt and to blackmail Brandt inspired enough fear in him to abdicate.[21] This fear was however not only apparent in Brandt but also in his party colleagues such as Herbert Wehner who feared that these could be used in the upcoming elections as a way to form a campaign against Brandt and the SPD as a whole. Once Wehner was informed about the affairs Brandt had and in which Guillaume had played such a crucial role he believed that Brandt could remain in the position of chancellor no longer.[22] Martin Rupps highlights that Brandt’s support from within his party decreased drastically after the extent of Guillaume’s involvement in Brandt’s personal life was publicised. This was as they were unsure of how the public would handle the scandal in respect to Guillaume being a spy but also to him finding out about the affairs.[23] Wiebke Bruhns a reporter at the time for the Südwestrundfunk, however, disagrees that Brandt abdicated due to the information Guillaume had collected about his affairs. She argues that “We all knew about Ihlefeld”. Ihlefeld being a reporter for Stern magazine and one of the figures who had an affair with Brandt.[24] Bruhns continues by arguing that affairs at the time were not as openly discussed as they are today.[25]  This shows that Brandt’s affairs were known throughout news organs and even in the public however simply not discussed indicating that the opposition could not have made much use of them to create a media offensive against Brandt.[26] The fear that Brandt’s personal life would be uncovered in the media and pulled through the dirt however inevitably increased his fear of remaining chancellor.

Weakening of his Political Position

Lacking Support from within the SPD

Behind all this was the continuing challenge faced by an increasingly assertive and fractious party. There have been a lot of speculation about the role that Herbert Wehner had leading up to the abdication of Brandt.[27] Wehner being president of the ministry for inner-German affairs together with Brandt, and Helmut Schmidt formed a so-called troika within the SPD.[28] Nearing the end of Brandt’s rule, increasing pressure was put on him by people in his immediate circle and outside of it. Egon Bahr, one of Brandt’s closest party friends, argues that Wehner’s remark to German journalists during a trip to Moscow in 1973, during which he stated: “The chancellor enjoys taking his baths lukewarm with foam bubbles” was the final aspect which made Brandt consider abdicating.[29] Additionally, Wehner had stated that he is “lost in reverie” and has become more and more “droopy” clearly attacking Brandt and his policies at the time.[30] Instead of parting from Wehner however, Brandt let the statement go and continued working together with Wehner as usual. Hermann Schreiber argues that this was when Brandt showed first signs of weaknesses as he did not part from Wehner who actively worked against him.[31] Bahr goes a step further in arguing that Brandt could have survived the Guillaume affair if he had parted from Wehner in 1973.[32] It has to be considered that Bahr was one of Brandt’s only close friends and never put any fault on him rather looking for scapegoats such as Wehner. His thesis is however widely accepted and supported by Albrecht Müller who argues that as one of the key figures in the SPD criticised Brandt so openly he was left doubting if he still had the support of his party which he needed to rule Germany.[33] Considering that one of the other crucial figures in the SPD did not actively support Brandt in the direct aftermath of the Guillaume Affair caused him to question his authority. This eventually resulted Brandt to conclude that he no longer had the necessary support to continue ruling Germany.

The Trade Unions Devastating Effect on Brandt’s Popularity

A further problem which Brandt faced in 1974 was the rising protests organised by German trade unions. One of their key requests at the time was that all people employed in public services especially people who were part of the transport sector were granted a 15% increase in their wages.[34] The public sector trade unions were however not the only ones asking for more money in 1974 as the German postal trade union also requested 15% higher wages and the German employees trade union requested 14% higher wages.[35] After three days of strikes during which most workers across West- Germany, employed in these sectors, put down their work Willy Brandt granted German workers 11% more wages which were a minimum of about 170 Marks more per person at the time.[36] The author of Brandt’s speeches, Klaus Harpprecht, at the time wrote in Manager Magazine that: “Nobody had undermined the authority of Willy Brandt’s government more than the trade unions with their request for a 15% pay raise.”[37] He claims that these requests were the beginning of an end to the chancellorship of Brandt.[38] Harpprecht’s argument is limited by the fact that the cost of living was increasing and such increases in wages would have inevitably been pressed for. Harpprecht’s view is however shared by Peter Gillies who argues that the strikes knocked Brandt from his feet and ensured that he would never be able to get up again.[39] Although Gillies is not a historian, his argument is valuable as he can evaluate the disputes between the government and the trade unions from an economic standpoint allowing him to understand the true extent of the requests made by the trade unions. The trade union, Verdi, even today oppose the argument that they caused Brandt’s abdication vehemently. They have in fact published a statement in which they debunk the claims.[40] Here they bring up the point that Heinz Klunker, who was the leader of the trade unions and lead the campaign for higher wages at the time, always admired Willy Brandt and that they were even on a friendly basis on some occasions.[41] This would indicate that he would never undermine the authority of a friend as Harpprecht and Gillies suggest. A problem with the statement published by the trade unions is that it oversimplifies the events. Not only does Verdi argue that they didn’t cause Brandt’s abdication however they also state that “the real reason for Brandt’s abdication can be read in every book on Germany’s history and is Günter Guillaume.”[42] This blatantly oversimplifies the reasons for his abdication as so many other aspects played a role and calls into question how well researched the statement is. Karl Führer argues that Brandt felt the backlash of giving in to the trade unions just weeks later when the SPD lost 10,4% of all its votes compared to the previous elections in the federal state of Hamburg.[43] This argument is however limited by the fact that other aspects played a role in the loss of mandates as well however these are simply ignored. At the same time, however, the CDU, the main opposition party, who had always opposed the requests for higher wages by the labour unions, gained 7,8%.[44] After having to give in to the labour unions Willy Brandt even stated in front of the Cabinet: “Am I the boss of a bankrupt company? I will have to ask myself if I can carry the consequences much longer?” Cabinet members at the time remember that they had often encountered Brandt to talk like this however he had never been this tired of his job.[45] This clearly shows that the requests made by the trade unions significantly weakened Brandt’s position and inevitably lost him support from party members and the general public.

Weakening of his Physical and Mental Health

The Impact of Sicknesses on his Physical Shape

Brandt had first signs of sicknesses and weakness after the SPD election campaign in 1972.[46] After the elections in 1972, Brandt was able to consolidate his power, the SPD gaining 3,1% to get their best result in their history of 46,7%. However, the cost of these elections was his health.[47] During the campaign, he travelled 25,000km through Germany to hold speeches and attend campaign events. He travelled six weeks previous to the campaign and spoke for between five and eight hours each day.[48] The lengthiness of his speeches and the amount he gave during this campaign lead to him having surgery on his vocal cords immediately afterwards. During this surgery a tumour was discovered, and Brandt was lucky that it was benign. As a result of this Brandt missed all coalition talks which were held after the elections and his representatives Wehner and Schmidt formed the government according to their likes not considering Brandt’s wishes.[49] Schreiber argues that Schmidt and Wehner did not only ignore Brandt’s wishes but that they actively went against them undermining his authority.[50] He continues by pointing out that Brandt did not speak out about this as he felt it tactless to criticise his party members and he did not have the energy to question their actions once again showing weakness similarly to when Wehner had attacked him in Moscow.[51] In the following years, Brandt was never able to fully recover, always having respiratory problems and stomach issues. On the first of May 1974, between Guillaume’s arrest and Brandt’s abdication, Brandt had written in his diaries that he had dark thoughts and that he had even written a letter. It is commonly assumed that his dark thoughts referred to him abdicating and that the letter was a reference to his letter of resignation which he had written to Gustav Heinemann, president of Germany at that time. Arnulf Baring who had in fact interviewed Brandt on this section in his diaries argues that Brandt had actually referenced his considerations of committing suicide and a letter which he had written to his family in his diary. Baring links these thoughts of suicide to Brandt’s bad physical shape which had plagued Brandt since 1972 and were then also intensified by toothaches and stomach pains after a visit to Egypt.[52] On the other hand, Karl-Heinz Janßen argues that Brandt wanted to end everything on the first of May as that was the day when he was given a list of all the women he had had an affair with and that was simply too much to handle for him.[53] When considering that Baring actually spoke to Brandt about this section in his diaries his argument, is given more weight than Janßen’s who bases his argument on speculations. It is evident that his chancellorship was characterised by frequent illnesses which weakened his physical shape significantly and added further difficulties to Brandt who already struggled to keep up with his political responsibilities.

The Role of Depression Weakening his Mental Health

On top of the tumour discovered in 1972 and his sicknesses Einhart Lorenz argues that Brandt also suffered severe depressions during his years as chancellor.[54] Brandt’s son Matthias Brandt highlights that he would often retrieve to his study in his house and lock himself up for hours and let no one get near him.[55] Brandt was also unable to show up at the Bundestag in Bonn for days on end because he was in his bed suffering his depressions.[56] Friends had also noticed that he had gradually withdrawn from public life completely. Müller, on the other hand, argues that “Brandt withdrew from public and political life around him for a few days every year, to prepare important speeches for example.”[57] Schmidt who worked alongside Brandt however, quite clearly states that Brandt did suffer depressions and retrieved from public life however that this was kept secret for a long time possibly explaining why Müller prescribes Brandt’s absence to writing speeches.[58] Official organs always used the excuse of a fever which restricted him from fulfilling his role as chancellor and kept him in bed, however, in reality, it was depressions torturing his life.[59] These depressions could last long enough for his close party friends such as Egon Bahr and Horst Ehmke to visit him to try and motivate him to stand up and make his way to the Bundestag. During one of his depressions, Ehmke said the famous sentence “Willy, get up. We have a government to run!”[60] When the Guillaume affair was publicised, Schmidt was one of the only men who advised Willy Brandt to stay yet after his abdication even Schmidt acknowledged that Brandt had already been at a political end before the Guillaume affair. He had also suggested that it was not, in fact, the Guillaume affair which had caused Brandt to abdicate but that it was his depressions which had meant that he no longer felt able to rule Germany.[61] Interestingly Schreiber argues that in fact, the spy Guillaume was the only one to notice Brandt’s depressive phase in 1973.[62] Brandt had narrowly escaped death after a helicopter crash in Israel. On his return, he was deeply offended as none of his colleagues asked him about his wellbeing or lost any words of condolences.[63] This evoked a depressive phase in Brandt which he carried around with him as he felt left alone. It also clearly shows how little people around him cared for him and considered his wellbeing. Overall the depressions that Brandt suffered during the years of his chancellorship also played a crucial role in his abdication as it hindered his ability to stand up to critiques and to overcome political problems.


When Willy Brandt abdicated on the 24 of April 1974 he argued that these were necessary steps after the exposure of the East- German spy Günter Guillaume, however other major factors had played a larger role which Brandt was not willing to admit.[64] Brandt was for many the chancellor that Germany needed after the war and after 20 years of Christion Democratic Rule in Germany. His rule was characterised by difficult times due to frictions with the Eastern- Block and internal problems with trade unions, and yet Brandt was and still is seen as one of the greatest chancellors in German history.[65] For many his role as chancellor came to an abrupt halt in 1974 when he took full responsibility for the East- German spy Günter Guillaume and abdicated from his post as chancellor however remaining chairman of the SPD. While immediately after his abdication Guillaume was still seen to be the sole reason for his retirement, with the benefits of hindsight and additional information about Brandt’s personal life surfacing the opinions have shifted and other aspects of his life have been made responsible for the abdication. There was, for example, his depressions and his sickness which had been following Brandt around, increasing especially after the stress of the 1972 election campaign. There was however also the lacking support and open critique of some of his party friends which made Brandt doubt himself. Lastly, there was his political fiasco in 1974 with him granting 11% higher wages to the public sector which had devastating effects on the popularity of the SPD which was already visible during the regional elections in Hamburg. Considering that Brandt had already considered abdicating at previous occasions, the Guillaume affair no longer seems to be the only reason for his abdication.[66] When considering Brandt’s sickness and lacking support from his party especially in connection to the trade unions, it seems that these played a far more important role in his decision to abdicate. In conclusion, the Guillaume affair was only the best way for Brandt to leave his political career behind without having to admit other problems which played a far greater role in his decision to abdicate.


Image taken at the Willy Brandt Museum in Berlin showing the only mention of his abdication, which was linked it to the Guillaume affair.../../../../Desktop/19656906_10155495642744962_8962052456637181626_n.jpg


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[1] Barbara Marshall, Willy Brandt: A Political Biography (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2004), 35.
[2] Guido Obschernikat, Personal Interview, March 21, 2017.
[3] Klaus Wettig and Mirja Linnekugel, Willy Brandt Porträts (Berlin: Parthas, 2002), 21.
[4] Hélène Miard- Delacroix, Willy Brandt: Life of a Statesman (London: I.B. Tauris, 2016), Blurb.
[5] Matthias Kirchner, Koalitionskrise Und Mißtrauensvotum 1972 (Heidelberg: Diplomica, 2003), 112.
[6] Albrecht Müller, Brandt Aktuell Treibjagd Auf Ein Hoffnungsträger (Frankfurt Am Main: Westend, 2013), 28.
[7] Hermann Schreiber, Kanzlersturz: Warum Willy Brandt zurücktrat (München: Econ, 2003), 92.
[8] Norbert Seitz, “Die SPD und ihre ungeliebten Vordenker” Deutschlandfunk, accessed October 10, 2017.
[9] Bernd Faulenbach, Willy Brandt, (München: C.H. Beck, 2013), 85.
[10] Eckard Michels, Guillaume, Der Spion: Eine Deutsch-deutsche Karriere (Berlin: Links, 2013), 183.
[11] Heiner Emde, Verrat Und Spionage in Deutschland: Texte, Bilder, Dokumente (München: Ringier, 1980), 216.
[13] Thomas Ramge, Die großen Polit-Skandale: Eine andere Geschichte der Bundesrepublik (Frankfurt: Campus, 2003), 123.
[14] Michels, Guillaume, Der Spion, 164.
[15]Skandal! Der Fall Guillaume (1974),” ZDFinfo, Aired September 5, 2017
[16] Miard- Delacroix, Willy Brandt: Life of a Statesman, 161.
[17] Guido Knopp, History: Geheimnisse des 20. Jahrhunderts (München: C. Bertelsmann), 309.
[18] “Umfrage: Stabilität durch Brandts Abgang?” Der Spiegel, May 13, 1974.
[19] Michael Gehler, Banken, Finanzen Und Wirtschaft Im Kontext Europäischer Und Globaler Krisen (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2015), 278.
[20] Michels, Guillaume, Der Spion, 180.
[21] Edgar Wolfrum, Die Geglückte Demokratie: Geschichte Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland Von Ihren Anfängen Bis Zur Gegenwart. (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2006), 332.
[22] Ibid, 308.
[23] Karlheinz Niclauß, Kanzlerdemokratie: Regierungsführung Von Konrad Adenauer Bis Angela Merkel (Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 2015), 161.
[24] “Willy Brandt und die Frauen: Flirts und Affären,” December 14, 2013.;art391,1261425.
[25] Ibid.
[26] Guido Obschernikat, Personal Interview, March 21, 2017.
[27] Christoph Meyer, Herbert Wehner Biographie (München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2006), 424.
[28] Martin Rupps, Troika Wider Willen: Wie Brandt, Wehner Und Schmidt Die Republik Regierten (Berlin: Ullstein, 2005), 21.
[29] Egon Bahr, Ostwärts und nichts vergessen!: Politik zwischen Krieg und Verständigung (Freiburg: Herder, 2015), 108.
[30] Edgar, Geglückte Demokratie, 333.
[31] Schreiber, Kanzlersturz, 97.
[32] Bahr, Ostwärts und nichts vergessen, 109.
[33] Müller, Brandt Aktuell, 70.
[34] Schroeder, Wolfgang and Weßles Bernhard, Die Gewerkschaften in Politik Und Gesellschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien, 2003), 57.
[35] Nikolaus Piper, Willkommen in Der Wirklichkeit Wie Deutschland Den Abstieg Vermeiden Kann (München: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 2004), 61.
[36] “Die Quelle, Volumes 25-26,’ Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, 1974, 116.
[37] “Die SPD und die Gewerkschaften: Überfällige Trennung” Manager-Magazin 9/1999.
[38] Hans-Otto Hemmer and Hartmut Simon, Auf Die Wirkung Kommt Es an: Gespräche Mit Heinz Kluncker (Berlin: Bund-Verlag, 2000), 167.
[39] Peter Gillies, “Aufbruch - oder Kanzlerdämmerung?” Hamburger Abendblatt, March 5, 2003.
[40] Simon Hartmut, “Zum Vorwurf, Heinz Kluncker habe 1974 Willy Brandt gestürzt” Verdi, accessed May 15, 2017,
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Karl Christian Führer, Gewerkschaftsmacht und ihre Grenzen Die ÖTV und ihr Vorsitzender Heinz Kluncker 1964-1982 (Bielefeld: Transcript, 2017), 383.
[44] Horst Heimann, Theoriediskussion in Der SPD Ergebnisse Und Perspektiven (Köln: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1975), 43.
[45] "Willy Brandt: „Ihr Laßt Mich Alle Allein“." Der Spiegel, February 18, 1974: 19-23.
[46] Daniela Forkmann and Michael Schlieben, Die Parteivorsitzenden in Der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949 – 2005 (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2005), 81.
[47] “Wahl zum 7. Deutschen Bundestag am 19. November 1972,” Der Bundeswahlleiter, accessed April 18, 2017,
[48] Miard-Delacroix, Willy Brandt: Life of a Statesman, 153.
[49] Volker Busse, Die Bundeskanzler Und Ihre Ämter, (Heidelberg: Wachter- Verlag, 2006), 97.
[50] Schreiber, Kanzlersturz, 86.
[51] Ibid (87)
[52] Joachim Preuß and Gerhard Spörl, “„Er wollte sich das Leben nehmen,“” Der Spiegel, January 31, 1994,
[53] Karl- Heinz Janßen, “Offizier im besonderen Einsatz,” Die Zeit, April 22, 1994,
[54] Einhart Lorenz, Willy Brandt: Deutscher - Europäer - Weltbürger (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 2012), 192.
[55] Hermann Schreiber, Kanzlersturz Audiobook, read by Matthias Brandt, (Tacheles, 2003).
[56] Sigrid Elisabeth Rosenberger, Der Faktor Persönlichkeit in Der Politik Leadershipanalyse Des Kanzlers Willy Brandt (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2015), 146.
[57] Joachim Zinsen, “„Willy Brandt war Opfer einer bösartigen Treibjagd,“” Aachener Nachrichten, December 12, 2013,
[58] Giovanni di Lorenzo, “Verstehen Sie das, Herr Schmidt?” Die Zeit, November 3, 2011,
[59] Schreiber, Kanzlersturz, 91.
[60] Rosenberger, Faktor Persönlichkeit, 146.
[61] Daniela Münkel and Jutta Schwarzkopf, Geschichte Als Experiment: Studien Zu Politik, Kultur Und Alltag Im 19. Und 20. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt: Campus, 2004), 82.
[62] Schreiber, Kanzlersturz Audiobook, 30:30.
[63] Ibid, 31:22.
[64] Miard-Delacroix, Willy Brandt: Life of a Statesman, 157.
[65] Edgar Wolfrum, Die 101 wichtigsten Fragen – Bundesrepublik Deutschland, (München: C.H. Beck, 2011), 12.
[66] Guido Obschernikat, Personal Interview, March 21, 2017.