IBDP Extended Essay English A: Language and Literature

Trump Extended Essays

 Rhetorical devices in political speeches



How do the linguistic strategies used in Donald Trump improvised speeches differ from those used in the written speeches?


Extended Essay English A: Language and Literature Category: 3

Word Count: 3996

 Introduction:
The victory of the Republican candidate put an end to one of the most controversial and diverse political campaigns in history and a new political stage began for the country and, inevitably, also for the rest of the international community. The case of Donald Trump is especially curious, he is not a traditional political character, but a rather atypical figure, often politically incorrect and who refuses to play the assigned role. He is a speaker who, despite having some common features with other well-known political figures, does not adapt to any previous model (McAdams). Donald Trump is the former president of the US and was running for the 2020 presidential election as a member of the republican party, however he lost against the democrat Joe Biden by 74 electoral votes in a tight race for the presidency of the country (Bennett and Berenson). Trump and his political views have often been described as nationalist (Pinto). As president, Trump had pursued sizable income tax cuts, increased military spending and rollbacks of federal health-care protections (“Donald Trump policies: Where does the president stand on key issues?”).

Rationale:
Likewise, if the importance and influence of the United States is taken into account in today's world, the figure and message of the former president are of great relevance, both nationally, in the US, and internationally and have the potential to modify the way of doing politics of the next decades. This new policy, its discourse and its action strategies, break with all previous models, which prevents us from predicting its next steps, extracting common patterns to its action and developing our own action strategy (McAdams). It is precisely for this reason that it is necessary to investigate, analyze and understand Trump's discourse in detail, in order to extract references and conclusions that allow to establish the bases for a better treatment of this new political order. Moreover, in the field of interpretation this research is imperative, because one must draw reliable conclusions and markers, in order to facilitate the understanding of the original message as much as possible and improve the interpretation of the message's impact on the target audience. In depth analysis of Trump's speeches has already begun, especially in the press, but it must be continued because its impact and repercussions in other areas, such as sociology, politics or linguistics, can be important. (Begley). For all these reasons - the importance and repercussions of Donald Trump's speech on current and future politics, the atypical nature of his person and the lack of current references for the treatment and interpretation of speeches of this new political order (McAdams) - it has been concluded that the analysis of Donald Trump's speeches are an object of study that may be of great interest and may open the way to further research about how linguistic strategies impact politics and our society. In this way, if the characteristics, difficulties and most common problems of this discourse are extracted, not only could the work of interpreting the figure of Trump himself be facilitated, but it would also be extrapolated, after adapting the most individualized criteria, to the rest of political speeches of this new political order of the XXI century (Fukuyama et al.).

Methodology:
The linguistic strategies that will be analysed are the use of structure, content, persuasive strategies and political metaphors. These four play a very important role in Donald Trump speeches. (Golshan). In order to analyse the use of these strategies and their significance in the speeches, it is crucial to understand what the strategies are and how they are used. Rhetoric is a discipline that provides the tools and techniques to express oneself in the best possible way, so that both language and speech are effective enough to delight, persuade or move (“What is Rhetoric?”). Many people learn about this technique worldwide and ask themselves when this will be useful for them to use. (Gerstle and Nai ) Rather, one should ask ourselves: What is rhetoric not used for? Wherever there are human beings, communication becomes inevitable. In fact, if something makes us human, it is precisely that urge onehave to speak and write to communicate our thoughts, desires and needs.The art of rhetoric, understood as the ability, experience or talent to communicate assertively through political discourse, is probably the oldest and most complex political strategy that politicians often carry out. (“The Art of Rhetoric:*”) The joining of sentences within a political discourse can lead to the top or the collapse of the candidate’s career. That is why it is so important to study. Behind the speeches that are developed daily in the conservative party as well as those improvised by Trump, there is a communication strategy of intentionality, determining objectives and the influence that is aspired to generate in citizens (Roberts). This last point is why it is so important for citizens to understand that a good use of rhetoric can convince them of voting for ideologies that they never thought they would vote for.
Regarding these indirect persuasive strategies, onefind, in the first place, linguistic strategies that are used in the construction of the discourse and that fundamentally consist of the elaboration of a text in a strategic way to emphasize certain points and generate a concrete impact (Roberts). There are some recurring strategies used in Donald Trump's speeches: polarized structuring of communication agents or themes (us vs. them); alteration of macro and micro textual structures to avoid a specific topic or emphasize another; use of argumentative structures with fallacious arguments; use of euphemisms or introduction of neologisms; and use of literary or rhetorical figures. On the other hand, one also finds rhetorical strategies, which seek persuasion through the creation of situations that implicitly lead to the approval of the public, which manifests it through applause (Golshan). They can be obvious and direct strategies, such as a direct question or request, tokens of appreciation or mention of a specific person, or indirect strategies. However, coming back to the main focus of this essay; improvised versus written speeches, it is crucial to determine whether the linguistic devices mentioned are used in the same way in both text typologies (Ferraro). Four speeches will be analysed in order to determine the difference between written and improvised Donald Trump speeches. Two written speeches, the first UN speech and the inaugural speech, and one improvised speech, the victory speech, will be analysed in this essay.

Analysis:
Analysis of improvised victory speech:
Structure:
In the Victory Speech, which, despite having a small pre written part, has a fundamentally improvised character, one can identify a brief exordium, of just a few lines, in which the audience's wait is appreciated and serves to quickly capture the audience's attention before proceeding with the rest of the speech. (van Dijk )Immediately after, and without very elaborate or complex connectors, in the fourth and fifth paragraphs of the speech one can clearly find the narratio, in which Donald Trump briefly exposes the main idea of ​​his speech. Despite being spread over two paragraphs, the cornerstone on which the discourse revolves is contained in the last sentence of the paragraph: «I'm reaching out to you for your guidance and your help so that we can work together and unify our great country . » (“Transcript: Donald Trump’s Victory Speech”) After this brief statement of intent, Trump goes on to argue how to achieve this goal. It is a brief confirmation, based on five key ideas that are developed in the following 13 paragraphs and that can be summarized in the following points: infrastructure construction, support for war veterans, use of national talent and resources, a solid economic plan and take the reins of the country, prioritizing national interests over international ones. (“Transcript: Donald Trump’s Victory Speech”) Although up to this moment, the structure of classical rhetoric had been respected, at this point, the argumentation is interrupted and a meta-discourse of gratitude begins, rather enunciative, which presents a linear, disjointed and unpredictable structure, centered above all in the 20 members of the Trump team present in the room. However, in paragraph 41, Trump takes up the classic structure and begins the peroration in which he briefly mentions the main idea and abruptly closes the speech.

Persuasive textual speeches:
Regarding the use and effectiveness of persuasive resources, Victory Speech is characterized by using, with great success, direct and obvious strategies. Especially noteworthy are the mentions to collaborators and members of the electoral campaign, as well as expressions of gratitude. These are easily identifiable resources with high levels of reaction among an audience that is favorable to the speaker, so that, in all cases - except for the mention of Chris Christie (“Transcript: Donald Trump’s Victory Speech”)- the audience reacts in the expected way. On the other hand, and although less numerous, the successful use of several “claptraps” can be observed. (van Dijk) One can find, above all, structures of the type headline-punchline, pursuit and contrast, the latter coinciding with the changes in emphasis and polarized structures described by van Dijk. (van Dijk )

Political metaphor:
The Victory Speech has a lower concentration of metaphorical elements than other speeches, which is partly due to its brevity and spontaneous nature. However, one can find several resources of this type, especially personifications and metonymies, that are easily identifiable with some of the most well-known and widespread underlying myths and metaphors in political discourses. In this specific discourse, especially at the beginning, one can see how what onecall war metaphors that refer to the allegory of "politics is a conflict" are used. This idea is reinforced through the use of verbs such as fight and other warlike expressions, which help to establish the idea that there are two sides, a winner and a loser, and that they are opposed to each other. On the other hand, it is also worth highlighting the use of personifications in this discourse that contribute to the idea that "the nation is a person", (“Transcript: Donald Trump’s Victory Speech”) a metaphor that usually appears accompanied by the metonymic use of the first person plural that identifies citizens with the Status: «America will no longer settle for anything less than the best. We must reclaim our country's destiny and dream big and bold and daring. We can do that. We're going to dream of things for our country ”. Through the use of these metaphors, Trump evokes in the public an idea of ​​unity and security in the face of the future, which bears a great resemblance to the classic political myth of "the force of unity" referred to by Geiss (1987) in The Language of Politics. (Geiss)
Analysis of written United Nations speech:

Structure:
The First UN Speech, which presents a nature that one could define as “corseted” as it is a prototypical speech, at a structural level, written and revised, and prepared to be read. Despite being the longest speech, it is the speech that best respects the classical structure, with hardly any alterations. It begins with a longer exordium than the other speeches, by including a current topic such as the consequences of the various hurricanes and cyclones on the American people in 2017. It then continues with a broader narrative in which develops in detail the main idea of ​​his speech, in which he invites the rest of the UN countries to follow the example of the United States and: «[become] strong and independent nations that embrace their sovereignty to promote security, prosperity and peace for themselves and for the world ' (“Full Transcript: Donald Trump at the United Nations General Assembly”). Having established this cornerstone, Trump widely develops a confirmation based on three main arguments: in this way one can better fulfill our duty to citizens, one will be stronger to fight together against enemies - specifically, North Korea, Iran, regimes in the Middle East, the so-called Islamic State, unwanted immigration (including the refugee conflict) and Venezuela - and one can make the UN as strong as it was in its early days (Buchholz). After this argumentation, it ends with an extensive peroration that takes up the initial idea and returns to the USA as an example and reference for the rest. (“Full Transcript: Donald Trump at the United Nations General Assembly”)
Persuasive textual features:
This speech presents different characteristics from the rest, as it is a speech before the United Nations General Assembly. It is rare that in these types of speeches there is a lot of interaction with the public, since there is usually little applause during a politician's intervention and it is mainly non-verbal / non-voiced reactions. For this reason, the presence of Atkinson strategies is much smaller and the number of successful indirect strategies is limited to four. These are, on the one hand, three interventions that respond to the pursuit structure and, on the other hand, an intervention that combines strategies (take a position and problem-solution). However, despite the scarce presence of these strategies, it is worth highlighting their effectiveness, not always immediate, but that, accompanied by the appropriate resources, in this case silences and long pauses until the desired effect is produced, they manage to obtain the reaction sought by the prayer.

Political metaphors:
In this speech, one can observe a very metaphorical and mythological rhetorical style, whose main objective is to legitimise the policies and ideals of the Trump Administration. In the first place, one find numerous reifications and travel metaphors that respond to the underlying metaphor of “the road to democracy / peace is a journey”, which seek to justify or legitimise certain policies and international decisions taken, as well as attitudes protectionist and conservative, through associations with obstacles along the way and the use of the necessary tools to build a good future: «To overcome the perils of the present and to achieve the promise of the future, one can must begin with the wisdom of the past Likewise, one can also observe numerous metaphors that correspond to the idea “politics / the search for democracy is a conflict”, (“Full Transcript: Donald Trump at the United Nations General Assembly”) which draw in the cognitive panorama of the public a scene of opposing and ideologically opposing sides. In order to reinforce this association, this metaphor is often combined with that of "undemocratic states are enemies", almost always expressed through personifications and within which other metaphors dependent on this can be grouped such as "enemies deceive," "enemies are cruel and evil" and "enemies are like a disease." Furthermore, given that in this case a metonymic use of the first person plural is made to identify the United States and us by the “democratic states”, it is not only about enemies of a specific country, but also about fundamental values. With all these metaphors, Trump can categorically, “legitimately” and very persuasively summarise his intentions: “If the righteous many do not confront the wicked few, then evil will triumph. When decent people and nations become bystanders to history, the forces of destruction only gather power and strength . However, in contrast to the dark panorama posed by the previous metaphors, one can find the last combination of metaphors present in the discourse. In this case it is a series of personifications and metonymies that lead to the following approach: “EE. America is the moral leader. " This metaphor helps to identify certain values ​​that are generally associated with good, ethical and moral behaviour, with the policies and way of acting of the United States and, thanks to the metonymy of leader by state, also with those of Donald Trump. (“Full Transcript: Donald Trump at the United Nations General Assembly”)
Analysis of written Inaugural Address:

Structure:
On the other hand, one will analyse the Inaugural Address. This speech has a theme very similar to the previous speech, but, unlike that one, it is a written speech prepared to be read, which presents an almost perfect archetypal structure. It begins with a simple, simple and short exordium in which he gives thanks and that serves to silence the audience and start the rest of the speech. This is followed by a longer narrative that clearly sets out the main idea of ​​the speech "Today begins a new era for America." (“Full text: 2017 Donald Trump inauguration speech transcript”) and that is developed and exemplified during several paragraphs until reaching the body of the speech, the argumentatio. In it, three main arguments are developed: power returns to the people (its rightful owner), one has new policies to achieve change and together we are stronger, more powerful and unstoppable. Although when analyzing the macrostructure of the argumentatio, one is again faced with a confirmation, it should be noted that the first argument is introduced by opposition, which results in a hybrid between refutatio-confirmation that allows giving greater strength to the argument favorable to the initial precept (Nordquist). Finally, one finds a peroration, which is announced at the end of the third argument and which develops progressively until it culminates in the last seven sentence-paragraphs of the speech.

Content:
In the Inaugural Address, one can also find a political speech that contributes to the reproduction of unequal relationships (in this specific case, xenophobia and the rejection of globalization). It is worth highlighting the continued use of polarizing structures, accentuated by rhetorical figures and concrete lexicon that have a clear political function. However, in this case this polarization fulfills a double function, not only contributes to the division between Democrats and Republicans, but also serves to distance Trump from other politicians, thus legitimizing his image that he is one more member of the people, a businessman. Likewise, this idea appears accompanied by redefinitions of the thematic scope, reiterating the indirect association that we saw in the previous speech that going against the Trump Administration and its policies is fighting against the basis of democracy: "At the center of this movement [ campaign] is a crucial conviction: that a nation exists to serve its citizens" Finally, the political function that associations fulfill by argumentation for the legitimization of xenophobic and racist policies and the reproduction of these phenomena is especially noteworthy in this discourse. Throughout the speech Trump repeatedly follows the following logical-argumentative sequence: (1) for years the US has had a very lax immigration policy, (2) unemployment and poverty have increased in recent years, (3) there are crimes and violence related to immigration, (4) these Crimes violate America's founding principle, and (5) if we can eliminate the source of crime, violence, unemployment, and poverty, our citizens will be happy and fulfill their full potential. In this way, through what apparently is a logical argument and with proven facts, Trump manages to generate in the public the following association: to support immigration is to go against the United States, which legitimizes racist policies and behaviors and contributes to its reproduction and acceptance at all levels of society. (“Full text: 2017 Donald Trump inauguration speech transcript”)

Persuasive textual features:
However, in the Inaugural Address, the use of these rhetorical devices is very different. One finds fewer direct and obvious resources, these being reduced to the minimum and indispensable number (exordium and peroratio) (Grether), and a very impressive presence of indirect resources. The use of contrast type structures predominates, which appear accompanied by phrases with polarized structures, but they do not achieve the desired effect, except in isolated cases. However, one can observe that, when this strategy is combined with those of the pursuit type, a favorable response is obtained from the public. (Grether) The pursuit, headline-punchline and three-part list strategies are the most used in the rest of the speech. Among the latter, it is worth highlighting the effectiveness of the three-part lists in this specific discourse, which are well received by the public and which cause, on several occasions, the public to react in the third element of a longer list, cutting off the speaker before he can finish his enumeration.

Political metaphor:
In the Inaugural Address, on the other hand, one can observe a greater use of metaphors, as well as a greater variety of typologies. One can find, above all personifications and reifications, but they are used in all kinds of metaphors: travel, war, health, light and destruction. However, in this discourse the simultaneous presence of metaphors, which interact with each other, is especially noteworthy. As in the previous speech, one can observe numerous personifications that evoke the metaphor “the nation is a person”; However, in combination with the metaphor "politics is conflict" and, when it appears accompanied by metaphors of struggle and verbs such as steal, ripped from (which imply violence and injustice) with others such as bring back (to recover something taken away), one finds himself before the evocation of the myth of the "courageous leader"; that is to say, the Trump association with the qualities of a saviour and protector of the people: "I will fight for you with every breath in my body - and I will never, ever let you down" Also noteworthy is the combination of the allegory "the nation is a person" with the metonymy "the leader for the State" (“Full text: 2017 Donald Trump inauguration speech transcript”), which generate a third different metaphorical idea: "the nation is the leader". These concepts are accompanied by the interspersed use of the pronouns "I" and "we", which accentuate the association between the nation and the leader, helping to identify the entire ideology and foundational bases of the US with the person of Donald Trump, thus creating the idea that his person, ideology and policies, are and are in line with the fundamental principles of respect, democracy, freedom and tolerance: "At the bedrock of our politics will be a total allegiance to the United States of America , and through our loyalty to our country, we will rediscover our loyalty to each other" (“Full text: 2017 Donald Trump inauguration speech transcript”)

Conclusion:
To answer the question of ​How do the linguistic strategies used in Donald Trump improvised speeches differ from those used in the written speeches? ,​ it is crucial to take all aspects of the textual analysis into account. Firstly, the improvised speech is characterized by having a weaker structure, in which one can find numerous interruptions and thematic changes that drastically alter the thread of discourse. These alterations are found fundamentally in the argumentatio, being remarkable the appearance of meta-discourses at this level, which complicate the structure of the classical device and give discourse a new, spontaneous and unpredictable way. Likewise, in relation to the content this typology is characterized by having short phrases, sometimes unfinished and with low informative content; as well as the use of a more informal registry in which they are common structural and lexical repetitions, and the use of wildcard terms. This construction discourse not only responds to a communicative function, but also serves to a political function, which turns this type of speech into a weapon of legitimation politics.
Secondly, Donald Trump's written speeches are characterized by respecting the classic argumentative discursive structure and presenting a clear common thread. These are cohesive texts made up of sentences with high informative content and longer than those of improvised speeches. More references to current politics and other interventions by the speaker appear. On the other hand, the discourses present a higher register, without a significant presence of "wildcard terms" (Nordquist) and with a special care for the form. However, the speeches also transcend the linguistic sphere to become tools of political and ideological legitimation.
It is concluded that they are different typologies, with different characteristics, although in a certain way complementary, and that therefore they present different complications for the interpreter and, consequently, also have different levels of theoretical difficulty. Speeches of an improvised nature present a level of basic or intermediate difficulty for a simultaneous interpreter, as they are simple texts, but with a more complex and unpredictable structure. On the other hand, written speeches have a more coherent and recognizable structure, but the content, lexicon and subject matter is higher and more varied; The spontaneous and unpredictable nature of the speaker, and the premeditated ambiguities and intertextual contradictions, complicate things further. The similarities in language and persuasive textual features make it difficult to distinguish between improvised and written speeches, however, the differences in the structure of the two typologies make it obvious which Trump speeches are improvised and which are written.


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Extended Essay: English Language B

 
Introduction:

As it is stated in the book “Fire and Fury”, “Donald Trump is the most controversial presidenct of our time. Never before has a presidency so divided the American people” (Wolff). Hence, who is this president that is, by many Americans, viewed as “incompetent, arrogant and narcissistic” (Verhovek)? Moreover, what is so controversial about him? After I had done my research, I realised that Trump’s Tweets contributed to this characterisation. It can be greatly described that “it is all part of the modern theatre of politics” (Williams) because they influence, manipulate and bias the receiving audience who later on vote for him and consequently form their opinions based on Trump’s ideology. Despite being restricted to 280 characters, “his Tweets have the power to shape international relations, send stock prices up – or down - and galvanize the American public” (Los Angeles Times). Furthermore, Trump’s Tweets have mostly been an éclat and created an international stir yet, he is being admired for his colloquial writing style. It is surprising how much the whole diplomatic world responds to Tweets sent out by Trump and how much one Tweet influences political decisions made by countries world-wide. Thus, I raised the question "What impact as well as reaction has the language used by Donald J. Trump in his Tweets evoked around the United States and the world?" This is an important topic to investigate because it is something that affects all of us, everywhere and every day. It does not only show how easy it is to influence the general public by words moreover, it is a warning to every individual to not fall into the trap of believing everything only because of emotional appeal, affection and a simple writing style. Social Media nowadays is the most influential and widespread communication tool as it is used by every generation. Trump has changed politics nowadays by using the mechanics of Social Media on such a large scale. He has reached a new level of communicating with the United States and world citizens. “More than three-quarters of Americans are seeing, reading or hearing about Trump’s Tweets, according to a new Gallup poll. That figure is especially interesting considering only about 8% of Americans said they actually follow Trump on Twitter, and even fewer, 4%, said they follow Trump and read all or most of his Tweets. Out of those polled, 26% said they use Twitter. Nearly 70% of people said they learn about Trump’s Tweets indirectly from a secondary source. This can include someone forwarding them Trump’s Tweets directly, seeing Trump’s Tweets retweeted by someone else they follow, or even less direct ways, like seeing one in a news article” (Segarra). The direct and unfiltered contact over Twitter with the general public, which are deliberately or unwantedly exposed to the Tweets, make everybody accessible to opinions and propaganda by the publisher. The Tweets sent out on daily basis, 24/7, are succinct, rather powerful communication devices. Trump’s word choice and the way he conveys information is unique. It shows the limitations of language and its strengths. His wording is deliberately chosen for everyone to understand however; his terminology has been intendedly selected to already make the reader interpret the Tweets in a certain way.

Rationale:
I personally think it is important to see how much one man is able to achieve with sending out Tweets every single day. Trump has 55.6 million (status: November 2018) national and international followers including politicians, businessmen and the general public. This shows the severity of diplomatic seriousness which should exist in the language, the register and the topics used in his daily Tweets. It portrays how much power and influence Trump has with his Tweets. Bill George argues that “If the Roman emperors ruled by edict, President-elect Donald Trump appears poised to rule by Tweet.” “Due to the development of science and technology, it has never been so easy and simple to communicate with others. It is said that political communication is now not only possible through television, radio and other traditional mass media but now, living in the 21st century, political communication through the Internet becomes an inevitable trend” (Liu 2). Social media in general allows real-time broadcasting of content which then is accessible to everyone without having been filtered by a “man in the middle” such as a newspaper.
Methodology:
The main information I will be collecting for my Extended Essay will come from the Social Media platform “Twitter”. “Twitter is an online news and social networking service on which users post and interact with messages known as ‘Tweets’” (Wikipedia). Twitter is my primary source, as I only there can gain first-hand information about Trump’s daily Tweets. Consequently, I have set up a Twitter account myself. The structure, I will be adapting for this essay, has already been proposed by “political scientist Harold Lasswell who characterized four different functions of political propaganda in his 1927 PhD dissertation at page 195.:
 
1.    To mobilize hatred against the enemy;
2.    To preserve the friendship of allies;
3.    To preserve the friendship and, if possible, to procure the cooperation of neutrals;
4.    To demoralize the enemy” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”).

“This might seem as an outdated structure but the characterisation still remains influential ninety years later with Lasswell’s 1927 dissertation. Lasswell’s four functions of propaganda can be usefully applied to understanding the Tweets of President Trump“ (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). The four body paragraphs will focus on how the language in Trump’s Tweets can be classified into one of those four points and what reactions as well as impact these then evoked.

This essay falls under the category 2b. My target audience for this piece of work would be people who are interested in Social Media communication and additionally, how Trump’s Tweets affect national and international relations. Especially, people of younger age should be encouraged to read this essay as this shows how future electoral processes and politics are being carried out world-wide. The focus of this investigation will mainly lie on Twitter being a Social Media platform, on which it is much easier to reach out to a wider target audience for any specific purpose. There will be no clear borderline between an obvious, traditional election campaign and a campaign which subconsciously influences voters by the means of Social Media. The information I will be gathering are mainly primary sources as all his Tweets are posted on his Twitter account. I will also use secondary sources, such as analyses and interpretations of Trump’s Tweets as well as articles and academic journals. The focus of the investigation will be on the language used by Trump in his Tweets such as semantic devices and syntax. It shows how powerful words can be and how euphemisms and dysphemisms can make a change in the reader’s perception of the message.

Discussion and Findings:

Donald J. Trump’s frequency of tweeting is imposing: “As of December 29th 2016, Trump tweeted 221 times since the president had been elected in November. These early presidential Tweets had already allowed for an analysis: 69% come from an Android phone (153 Tweets), 27% come from an IPhone (59) and four percent from a web client (9). ‘IPhone’ Tweets are not regarded as written by Trump himself rather the Android Tweets which are personal thoughts and reactions. 27% (40) of those are positive and have a congratulatory tone. 61% (94) have a rather negative or critical tone and 12% (19) are practically neutral. One key aspect of how his use of rhetoric differentiates himself from others is that he is emotionally framing his Tweets. Most of his Tweets are emotionally charged which influences the reader of his Tweets” (Nerdwriter1 00:00:47-00:03:05). No other politician tweets on such a large scale every day. For example, Angela Merkel’s Twitter profile is less developed and up to this point her last Tweet was on the 16th of January 2017.

1.    “To mobilize hatred against the enemy”
According to Lasswell “the first function of propaganda is to mobilize hatred against the enemy” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). As an area where this can be applied and seen in a more frequent manner are the Tweets posted by Trump which are for example “seemingly stirring up hatred against the Iranian government” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”), Hillary Clinton and the Hispanic ethnic minority. In this investigation, Clinton will be taken as an example of a person publically well-known, where Trump is mobilizing hatred against by just the use of powerful rhetoric.

When looking at the most recent Tweets written by Trump about Clinton in the years 2017/2018, he is nowadays still “ranting and raving” about winning over Clinton in the elections. On the 23rd of April 2017, “he claimed that he could still beat Clinton in the popular vote” (Schonfeld) yet, not considering the complete context, but still tweeting:

“New polls out today are very good considering that much of the media is FAKE and almost always negative. Would still beat Hillary in….

...popular vote. ABC News/Washington Post Poll (wrong big on election) said almost all stand by their vote on me & 53% said strong leader” (@realDonaldTrump).

He interestingly split the message into two separate Tweets, drawing a lot of attention on this posting. Not only the fact that he is playfully attacking her, he is also mobilizing hatred against his other big enemy, the media. It can be greatly described that “Trump uses social media as a weapon to control the news cycle. It works like a charm. His Tweets are tactical rather than substantive” (Buncombe). His way of conveying words, his punctuation and the imprecise sentence structure are powerful framing devices which draw the attention on certain points which he might consider important and striking aspects. With the capitalized word “Fake” he is drawing the attention to, in his eyes, “fake news” and the media. Even though a reader might not fully be reading the whole Tweet, there is still a high chance of only perceiving the capitalised word. Additionally, the alliteration “and almost always negative” (@realDonaldTrump) shows his clear position and thus, forms a simple “us” and “them” position.

Trump presents Clinton as if she should be held responsible for whatever might reflect badly on her party due to an internal conflict between her and Trump. Another clear and linguistically powerful statement is his Tweet from the 31st of May 2017, when “Clinton said propaganda spread on sites such as Facebook helped cost her the election and that the Russian government wanted to spread disinformation about her. But she added they ‘could not have known how best to weaponized that information unless they had been guided’” (Ingram), on which he then based his Tweet on: “Crooked Hillary Clinton now blames everybody but herself, refuses to say she was a terrible candidate. Hits Facebook & even Dems & DNC” (@realDonaldTrump). In this Tweet, Trump makes “her look like a big liar” (Schonfeld) and clearly defines her as an enemy. Due to the sentence structure being split into three parts, his claim is in some sort of climatic order. This evokes an emotionally charged reaction from both, the attacked person, and from the readers of this Tweet. Clinton’s reaction to such allegations is a clear statement as she “slammed Trump’s ability to create distractions using Twitter” (Ingram). Ingram states that she additionally said: “It’s the circus, right? It’s what a classic authoritarian does”, which indicates that she perceives Trump as an authoritarian gaining control over public opinions with words by the means of using Twitter.

Adding onto the internal conflict between both, is a further Tweet from the 18th of November 2017, 375 days after the election (Schonfeld), when Trump claimed that: “Crooked Hillary Clinton is the worst (and biggest) loser of all time. She just can’t stop, which is so good for the Republican Party. Hillary, get on with your life and give it another try in three years!” (@realDonaldTrump). His use of superlatives makes the message sound greatly hyperbolic and exaggerated. With the apostrophe “Hillary”, he is directly addressing and attacking her. Adding to this, he is teasing her by saying that she should give it a second try to run for president thus, making it sound ridiculous and patronizing. This type of language can be compared to a colloquial language similar to a face to face communication. The use of non-democratic as well as non-professional language make the Tweets better understandable, conveniently reaching out to a wider target audience. This type of language is comprehensible for the general public from all different kind of education levels and backgrounds. Trump’s interaction with people on public display is without any precedent.   

Trump’s Tweet written on the 31st of December 2017 is arguing that “Clinton would have decimated the stock market. Happy New Year!” (Schonfeld). By tweeting about the Stock Market, he targets businessmen and wants to get them on his side. The exact wording is: “If the Dems (Crooked Hillary) got elected, your stocks would be down 50% from values on Election Day. Now they have a great future – and just beginning” (@realDonaldTrump). Trump is praising himself for the stable economy in his country, showing how important it was for America that he got elected. The only reason for this Tweet to be posted is to mobilize hatred against Clinton because it actually didn’t matter anymore at this point to speculate what would have happened if Clinton was elected as president. Thus, the public is still heavily impacted by the hatred he is spreading against Clinton. Hence, the unstable political situation in America partly impacts America’s economy. Nevertheless, Trump once more targets Democrats in his Tweet on the 30th of October 2018: “… If you want your Stocks to go down, I strongly suggest voting Democrat. They like the Venezuela financial model, High Taxes & Open Borders!” (@realdDonaldTrump). Unlike other presidents before who “have shied away from too much stock gloating out of caution they could get blamed if things turn sour” (Earle), Trump regularly mentions the stock market. “Trump is very good at the usage of ‘fear appeal’ of pathos. In the case of Hillary Clinton, Trump’s Tweets lead to “the public’s bad impression of Hillary. For a candidate without political experience, Trump used his excellent language rhetoric and turned the other’s strengths into shortcomings” (Liu 25).
2.    “To preserve the friendship of allies”
Another function of political propaganda, Harold Lasswell is suggesting, is “to preserve the friendship of allies” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). This can be applied in Trump’s Tweets about “giving out praise to a supporter (for example who apparently appeared on the Trump- friendly Fox & Friends TV show). The praise from the president clearly fits here.” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). On the 2nd of January 2018, Trump was tweeting: “Thank you to Brandon Judd of the National Border Patrol Council for your kind words on how well we are doing at the Border. We will be bringing in more & more of your great folks and will build the desperately needed WALL!” (@realDonaldTrump). Especially striking are the throughout positive and euphemistic words in this Tweet such as adjectives like “kind and great.” Moreover, with the exaggeration and the repetition of the word “more and more of your great folks” he is praising the worker of the Council and again, clearly defines the friendship of his allies but also, evidently specifies the enemy who are the people living on the other side of the wall. Thus, one can see that the Tweets do overlap in different types of areas, such as creating an enemy as well as preserving the friendship of allies. Besides that, by capitalizing the word “Wall” and his punctuation, he empathizes how “desperately they need the WALL” in order to protect his nation from the “evil”. With the adverb “desperately” added, there is not only a touch of a personal opinion rather a determined sentiment. “The style Trump is communicating with the public has become more personal, more instantaneous and frequently less verifiable” (Buncombe). He is highly praising the “good people” and strongly shows the need of a wall to protect themselves from “the enemies.” He is preserving the relationship to his voters and supporters showing the benefits of being on his side by especially working with emotional appeal in his phrasing to keep and attract them.
3.    “To preserve the friendship and, if possible, to procure the cooperation of neutrals”
The third part of modern propaganda is “to preserve the friendship and, if possible, to procure the cooperation of neutrals” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). As an example, The Honest Broker suggests that Trump is “using generalities: companies and workers. That allows people to self-identify as perhaps fitting into these categories and thus, allowing themselves to receive the president’s praise: ‘Really Great’” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). Consequently, one might correctly argue that “he uses his virtual soapbox to promote a specific company” (Kamisar).        
On the 2nd of January 2018 he posted: “Companies are giving big bonuses to their workers because of the Tax Cut Bill. Really great!” (@realDonaldTrump). “There is an unstated request for support here: you (workers) are benefiting from my action (Tax Cut Bill), so let’s be friends” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). What can already be identified out of the three ways of propaganda is that Trump is building up two fronts, dividing the audience: The ones who are supported by him in anyway and the ones he constantly fights. On January the 9th 2017 Trump tweeted: “Ford said last week that it will expand in Michigan and U.S. instead of building a BILLION dollar plant in Mexico. Thank you Ford & Fiat C!” (@realDonaldTrump). Ben Kamisar argues that “in a rare incident of Twitter praise, Trump applauded both automakers this month for deciding to make further investments in American plants instead of outsourcing.” Trump again uses capitalized letters and simplistic words to emphasise how redundant it would be to build production plants outside of America. However, the statement that building a plant in Mexico would cost “BILLION dollars” (@realDonaldTrump) is exaggerated, out of the context and not proven by any facts, which unnecessarily and prematurely “mobilizes hatred against the enemy”, i.e. Mexico, explaining what a disadvantage it would be for the US to build factories in Mexico. On the other side, he “preserves the friendship as well as procures the cooperation of neutrals” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”), by praising neutral businesses highlighted by personally addressing the company as well as punctuating this sentence in a positive way by putting an exclamation mark at the end. This has a positive impact on US citizens as it tallies with Trump’s slogan to “Make America great Again!”. Nevertheless, neutral corporations are unwantedly mentioned in a Tweet by a controversial president which might have mixed impacts on that business.

4.    “To demoralize the enemy”
The Honest Broker suggests that North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un would be a suitable example of how Trump “demoralizes the enemy” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). On the 3rd of January 2018 he posted: “North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un just stated that the ‘Nuclear Button is on his desk at all times.’ Will someone from his depleted and food starved regime please inform him that I too have a Nuclear Button, but it is a much bigger & more powerful one than his, and my Button works!” (@realDonaldTrump). “In this much-discussed Tweet, Trump is reminding Kim Jung Un of the military prowess of the United States as compared to North Korea” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”). Trump is being provocative, characterising North Korea’s citizens, including his regime, as “depleted and food starved people” (@realDonaldTrump) by using simple yet, strong and striking adjectives. Additionally, Trump is appealing to exceptionally be patronizing by using the comparative as well as a parallelism stating that his Nuclear Button is “much bigger & more powerful”. Having seen in the investigation, “short words, simple syntax and a folksy approach- has long been a winner for presidents” (Leith).
One reaction evoked by Trump’s Tweet is a Tweet by Kentucky Fried Chicken United Kingdom and Ireland. On response to Trump’s Tweet to North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un, KFC sent out a corresponding Tweet “using similar language to the president’s tweeted threat in a conflict with one of its own rivals: McDonald’s” (“Inside Edition”). “McDonald’s leader Ronald just stated he has a ‘burger on his desk at all times.’ Will someone from his big shoed, red nosed regime inform him that I too have a burger on my desk, but mine is a box meal which is bigger and more powerful than his, and mine has gravy! #nuclearbutton” (@KFC_UKI). This clearly is a sarcastic reaction towards Trump’s Tweet, making the serious situation look less serious. Lauren Gambino from the Guardian wrote in her article that “the president’s Tweet drew swift condemnation- and some snark- from Democrats and foreign policy experts. Democratic congressman Jim Himes of Connecticut, reacting on CNN, said a more sobering consequence of Trump’s hyperbolic rhetoric is that ‘it really doesn’t matter what the president of the United States says anymore because it’s so bizarre, strange, not true, infantile’. Eliot Cohen, a former top official in the George W Bush administration and a Trump critic, said the president’s pronouncement was ‘spoken like a petulant 10- year-old’”.

What can already be seen is that Trump “just like the mob, likes to dole out nicknames to his opponents” (Lavelle) such as “Crooked Hillary, Little Rocket Man and Crazy Bernie” to demoralise and dehumanise them. These nicknames are all neologisms and puns which instantly burn into the reader’s mind “directly hitting the opponent’s weaknesses. These nicknames’ meanings are short but obvious, so that the audience can easily understand. In addition, the discourse of Trump’s Twitter includes humour appeal because he believes this would improve his persuasiveness. When Trump adds a sense of humour, it makes the public aware of an issue and therefore, easier to understand and accept it. The public then agrees with his point of view and increases the sympathy for Trump. The aim of this sense of humour is to make the audience be comfortable to accept Trump’s point of view” (Liu 24, 25, 26), no matter what he has written thus, those names are there to entertain the reader for a specific purpose and to demoralise the nickname owner.
Conclusion:
Reflecting back to the research question it can be concluded that Trump’s Tweets have a global impact. “Trump’s rhetoric is a triumph of inarticulacy” (Leith), yet in terms of world-wide attention and effect very successful. “On a purely linguistic level, three things seem striking:

•    Trump uses a pretty small working vocabulary.
•    His syntax, spelling and punctuation are- in conventional terms – a catastrophe.
•    The workhorses of his rhetoric are charged but empty adjectives and adverbs.” (Leith)
 
Trump’s Tweets might often be controversial but they still have a great impact on politics and the society nowadays. Recent developments, like the mail bombs and the synagogue shooting, show that the public and particularly his supporters, impacted by his strong rhetoric, react aggressively. It evidently shows that “Trump has fuelled a climate of hatred in general” (Smith) due to “his polarising rhetoric” (Baldacci and Ahmed). Especially striking is the “logic of Trump that the society is divided into two groups which is the ‘we’ and ‘they’ groups forming two opposing groups” (Liu 36). Trump places himself in the “we” group and everyone else who opposes him in the “they” group. He sees himself as the “people’s president” however, the wording of his Tweets might allow to question this as they rather divide the society than unifies. Ethos and pathos play an important role to conclude the online behaviour of Trump. It is evident that “Trump is also very good at the usage of ‘fear appeal’ of pathos. Trump’s frequently used rhetorical strategies like ethos and pathos on Twitter. For ‘ethos’, in the user’s words can clearly be seen all the ‘authority’ concepts. The relationship that is maintained or established in the real world is still the same in the virtual world. For ‘pathos’, the nature of Twitter makes it become a dominant factor in social networks” (Liu 25, 34). The four different functions of propaganda suggest by Lasswell not only show that Trump is using Twitter as a political platform to spread propaganda moreover, it shows that the propaganda areas have not changed, rather the way of conveying the message. Having read his Tweets, I frequently asked myself to what extent those are just random thoughts and what has been deliberately posted, or if the many random thoughts themselves eventually, form a general pattern creating an overarching strategy.


Works cited:

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Buncombe, Andrew. “How Donald Trump's Use of Twitter Has Changed the US Presidency.” The Independent, Independent Digital News and Media, 17 Jan. 2018, 21:43, www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/the-twitter-president-how-potus-changed-social-media-and-the-presidency-a8164161.html. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Earle, Geoff. “Trump Breaks Silence on Plunging Stock Market to Claim Sell-off Is a 'Pause'.” Daily Mail Online, Associated Newspapers, 30 Oct. 2018,13:13 GMT, www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-6333341/Trump-breaks-silence-plunging-stock-market-claim-sell-pause.html. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Egan, Matt. “Market mayhem puts Trump in a tough spot“. CNN Business, Cable News Network, 5 Feb. 2018, 7:11 p.m. ET, https://money.cnn.com/2018/02/05/investing/dow-jones-trump-stocks-markets/index.html. Accessed 5 Nov. 2018.

Gambino, Lauren. “Donald Trump Boasts That His Nuclear Button Is Bigger than Kim Jong-Un's.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 3 Jan. 2018, 07:58 GMT, www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/jan/03/donald-trump-boasts-nuclear-button-bigger-kim-jong-un. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

George, Bill. “Here's What Trump Doesn't Get About American Manufacturing.” Fortune, Meredith Corporation, 14 Jan. 2017, fortune.com/2017/01/14/donald-trump-american-manufacturing-jobs/. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.
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Kamisar, Ben. “19 Companies That Trump Has Tweeted About.” The Hill, Jack Rotherham, 16 Jan. 2017, thehill.com/homenews/administration/314271-19-companies-that-trump-has-tweeted-about. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Kramer, Hannah. “Trump Claims Stock Market Would Have Lost 50% in Value If Clinton Won.” AOL.com, AOL, 1 Jan. 2018, 7:30 a.m., www.aol.com/article/news/2018/01/01/trump-if-hillary-clinton-had-won-stock-market-would-have-lost-50-in-value/23320885/. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

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@KFC_UKI. “McDonald’s leader Ronald just stated he has a “burger on his desk at all times”. Will someone from his big shoed, red nosed regime inform him that I too have a burger on my desk, but mine is a box meal which is bigger and more powerful than his, and mine has gravy! #nuclearbutton.” Twitter, 3 Jan. 2018, 4:05 a.m., https://twitter.com/kfc_uki/status/948525809840656385?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Lasswell, Harold D. “Propaganda Technique in the World War.” Dissertation, The University of Chicago,1927, p 195., https://archive.org/details/PropagandaTechniqueInTheWorldWar/page/n7. Accessed 5 Nov. 2018.  

Lavelle, Daniel. “From ‘Slimeball Comey’ to ‘Crooked Hillary’, why Trump loves to brand his enemies.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 17 April 2018, 07:00 BST, www.theguardian.com/us-news/shortcuts/2018/apr/17/presidents-nicknames-slimeball-comey-former-fbi-director. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Leith, Sam. “Trump's Rhetoric: a Triumph of Inarticulacy.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 13 Jan. 2017, 16:55 GMT, www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/jan/13/donald-trumps-rhetoric-how-being-inarticulate-is-seen-as-authentic. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Liu, Chang. “Reviewing the Rhetoric of Donald Trump’s Twitter of the 2016 Presidential Election.” JÖNKÖPING UNIVERSITY School of Education and Communication, Spring 2016, pp. 2-36. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Mascaro, Lisa, et al. “Everything President Trump Has Tweeted (and What It Was about).” Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles Times, 20 Jan. 2018, 6:20 p.m., www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-updates-everything-president-trump-has-tweeted-and-what-it-was-about-2017-htmlstory.html. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Nerdwriter1. “How (And Why) Donald Trump Tweets.” YouTube. 31 Dec. 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=geEVwslL-YY. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Pearl, Diana. “25 Times President Trump Called Out Brands and Businesses on Twitter.” PEOPLE.com, 2 Apr. 2018, 04:00 p.m., people.com/politics/donald-trump-twitter-feuds-companies/. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Phillips, Amber. “Your next President, Donald Trump, Basically Tweets like a 12-Year Old.” The Washington Post, WP Company, 5 June 2015, www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2015/06/05/your-next-president-donald-trump-basically-tweets-like-a-12-year-old/?utm_term=.9cebb2f43d71. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “Companies are giving big bonuses to their workers because of the Tax Cut Bill. Really great!” Twitter, 2 Jan. 2018, 5:49 a.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/948189482284707840?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.


@realDonaldTrump. “Crooked Hillary Clinton is the worst (and biggest) loser of all time. She just can’t stop, which is so good for the Republican Party. Hillary, get on with your life and give it another try in three years!” Twitter, 18 Nov. 2017, 5:31 a.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/931877599034388480?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “Crooked Hillary Clinton now blames everybody but herself, refuses to say she was a terrible candidate. Hits Facebook & even Dems & DNC.” Twitter, 31 May 2017, 5:40 p.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/870077441401905152?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “Ford said last week that it will expand in Michigan and U.S. instead of building a BILLION dollar plant in Mexico. Thank you Ford & Fiat C!” Twitter, 9 Jan. 2017, 6:16 a.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/818461467766824961?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “If the Dems (Crooked Hillary) got elected, your stocks would be down 50% from values on Election Day. Now they have a great future - and just beginning!” Twitter, 31 Dec. 2017, 5:26 a.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/947458942719979520?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “New polls out today are very good considering that much of the media is FAKE and almost always negative. Would still beat Hillary in .....” Twitter, 23 April 2017, 12:48 p.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/856233279841849344?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un just stated that the “Nuclear Button is on his desk at all times.” Will someone from his depleted and food starved regime please inform him that I too have a Nuclear Button, but it is a much bigger & more powerful one than his, and my Button works!” Twitter, 2 Jan 2018, 4:49 p.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/948355557022420992?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “...popular vote. ABC News/Washington Post Poll (wrong big on election) said almost all stand by their vote on me & 53% said strong leader.” Twitter, 23 April 2017, 12:55 p.m., https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/856234989591121922?lang=en. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.



@realDonaldTrump. “Thank you to Brandon Judd of the National Border Patrol Council for your kind words on how well we are doing at the Border. We will be bringing in more & more of your great folks and will build the desperately needed WALL! @foxandfriends.” Twitter, 2 Jan. 2018, 5:44 a.m., https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/948188264858603520. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

@realDonaldTrump. “The Stock Market is up massively since the Election, but is now taking a little pause - people want to see what happens with the Midterms. If you want your Stocks to go down, I strongly suggest voting Democrat. They like the Venezuela financial model, High Taxes & Open Borders!” Twitter, 30 Oct. 2018, 5:33 a.m., https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1057249169507803137. Accessed 3. Nov. 2018.

rogerpielkejr. “Analyzing Trump's Tweets as Propaganda.” The Honest Broker, 3 Jan. 2018, thehonestbroker.org/2018/01/03/analyzing-trumps-tweets-as-propaganda/. Accessed 3 Nov 2018.

“Sad! Pathetic! A History of Donald Trump's Twitter Insults.” Sky News, 3 Jan. 2018, 08:52 GMT, news.sky.com/story/sad-pathetic-a-history-of-donald-trumps-twitter-insults-11123543. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.
Schonfeld, Zach. “Every Time Trump Tweeted about Hillary Clinton during His First Year in Office.” Newsweek, 19 Jan. 2018, 8:00 a.m., www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-hillary-clinton-tweets-presidency-first-year-783843. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Segarra, Lisa Marie. “This Is How Many People Actually Read Trump's Tweets.” Fortune, Meredith Corporation, 17 May 2018, fortune.com/2018/05/17/donald-trump-twitter-tweets/. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.

Smith, David. “Donald Trump's Rhetoric Has Stoked Antisemitism and Hatred, Experts Warn.” The Guardian, Guardian News and Media, 29 Oct. 2018, 19:07 GMT, www.theguardian.com/us-news/2018/oct/29/donald-trumps-rhetoric-has-stoked-antisemitism-and-hatred-experts-warn. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.  

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Williams, Philip. “Grieving Parents and Amputees Aren't Props for Trump's Political Theatre.” ABC News, 1 Feb. 2018, 12:27 a.m., www.abc.net.au/news/2018-01-31/state-of-the-union-donald-trump-provokes-emotional-response/9380496. Accessed 3 Nov. 2018.  

Wolff, Michael. Fire and Fury: inside the Trump White House. Henry Holt and Company, 2018.



Appendix:


Coding System:

•    Capitalized words
•    Stylistic devices such as alliteration, repetition, etc.
•    Punctuation
•    Words emphasising a personal opinion, e.g. by using superlatives etc., negative or positive wording, speculations
•    Nicknames given by Donald J. Trump
•    Directly addressing other people, parties or stakeholders; forming “us” and “them” position


1.    “To mobilize hatred against the enemy” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”):

    “New polls out today are very good considering that much of the media is FAKE and almost always negative. Would still beat Hillary in……” (@realDonaldTrump)

    “...popular vote. ABC News/Washington Post Poll (wrong big on election) said almost all stand by their vote on me & 53% said strong leader” (@realDonaldTrump).

    “Crooked Hillary Clinton now blames everybody but herself, refuses to say she was a terrible candidate. Hits Facebook & even Dems & DNC” (@realDonaldTrump).

    “Crooked Hillary Clinton is the worst (and biggest) loser of all time. She just can’t stop, which is so good for the Republican Party. Hillary, get on with your life and give it another try in three years!” (@realDonaldTrump)

    “If the Dems (Crooked Hillary) got elected, your stocks would be down 50% from values on Election Day. Now they have a great future – and just beginning” (@realDonaldTrump).

    “The Stock Market is up massively since the Election, but is now taking a little pause - people want to see what happens with the Midterms. If you want your Stocks to go down, I strongly suggest voting Democrat. They like the Venezuela financial model, High Taxes & Open Borders!” (@realDonaldTrump)


2.    “To preserve the friendship of allies” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”):

    “Thank you to Brandon Judd of the National Border Patrol Council for your kind words on how well we are doing at the Border. We will be bringing in more & more of your great folks and will build the desperately needed WALL!” (@realDonaldTrump)

3.    “To preserve the friendship and, if possible, to procure the cooperation of neutrals” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”):

    “Companies are giving big bonuses to their workers because of the Tax Cut Bill. Really great!” (@realDonaldTrump)

    “Ford said last week that it will expand in Michigan and U.S. instead of building a BILLION dollar plant in Mexico. Thank you Ford & Fiat C!” (@realDonaldTrump).

4.    “To demoralize the enemy” (“Analysing Trump's Tweets”):

    “North Korean Leader Kim Jong Un just stated that the ‘Nuclear Button is on his desk at all times.’ Will someone from his depleted and food starved regime please inform him that I too have a Nuclear Button, but it is a much bigger & more powerful one than his, and my Button works!” (@realDonaldTrump)








IBDP Extended Essay: Insights into Berlin's Political Landscape from its Inhabitants


 To what extent does Christopher Isherwood use characters to illustrate the political change in Berlin in​ Goodbye to Berlin​ and its effect on marginalised groups?


Introduction
A city largely defined by 20th century conflict, Berlin has taken many forms throughout history. During the 'Golden Years' - the 1920s, it reflected "an image of the metropolis that was lively, lavish, [and] liberally open minded" (Jelavich 97). Commercialism, the arts, and cultural diversity in Germany's ​Weltstadt ​were in abundance. Nestled between the first and second world wars, lay an era of cosmopolitan liberalism crescendoing into the early 1930s. This was impeded by the demise of the Weimar Republic and the onset of the rise of fascism, culminating to the atrocities of World War II under the Nazi regime. The complexities and counterbalance of self-discovery in a city of unease and growing political restrictions, foreshadows the approaching conflict of unimaginable proportions.
The enigmatic Christopher Isherwood takes the form of the "self-effacing onlooker" (D. Thomas44)inhisnovel​GoodbyetoBerlinp​ublishedin1939tocapturetheessenceofthis fleeting era, labelling himself a "camera with its shutter open" (Isherwood 1). Isherwood melancholically bids farewell to his beloved Berlin from 1930 to 1933. His retrospective and episodic narration of a rambunctious society descending into precarious political tension becomes almost a eulogy; as he mourns the city's departure to fascism. In the novel, Isherwood lives as a tenant in central Berlin, earning income as an English tutor for the wealthy. The novel's episodic chapters fixate on the stories of Isherwood's most prominent friends, ranging from Sally Bowles; a young wannabe English actress, to the grandiose life of the wealthy Jewish Landauer family. All of these characters loom on the "fringe of society" (Fryer 343), their futures hang in the balance as Berlin enters a new age.
Isherwood’s preference to write from behind the camera lens in his ambiguous style - operating as a socialite - is crucial in utilising his characters to reflect the milieu of Berlin from 1930 to 1933. Isherwood’s shifting focus of contrasting characters reflects the aforementioned complexities of the lives of marginalised individuals. The literary significance of this piece of semi-autobiographical fiction reflects Isherwood's first-hand experience of diversity, sexuality and socio-political impacts during this period of history. He does this in a nuanced, often subliminal way, through his characters and metaphorical camera lens. Isherwood’s characters seek refuge and self-discovery during this period of respite between two world wars. Even though the imminence of a second world war was unbeknownst, the temporary nature of the current era was foreshadowed by an atmosphere of apprehension. Isherwood’s detailed depiction of character leads to the research question: ​To what extent does Christopher Isherwood use character to illustrate the political change in Berlin in ​Goodbye to Berlin and its effect on marginalised groups?
In order to respond to this question, this essay will explore the way in which Isherwood uses characters to represent the surrounding political climate. In doing so, it will investigate and analyse - in a chronological fashion - the explicit and nuanced development of Isherwood's characters, exhibiting the narrowing of Berlin society. The prominent marginalised characters used to depict such a change are; Sally Bowles, Fräulein Schroeder, Bernhard Landauer, and Christopher Isherwood.
This exploration of Isherwood’s ​Goodbye to Berlin is worthwhile because it highlights the nuances and undercurrents of political development of which marginalises certain groups that do not dominate society's normality. It is significant because these political undercurrents that undermine racial groups, lower socio-economic classes, or the LGBTQ community still exist today in seemingly very liberal countries. These lessons are learnt and forgotten. Critics of ​Goodbye to Berlin tend to fixate on the decadence of the city from a historical context, or the existence of 'camp' and homosexuality in 1930s literature. A more detailed study of the characters in Isherwood's novel may include all of the prominent characters such as the Nowak family or Peter Wilkinson. However, in the interest of providing detailed analysis considering the constraints of this essay, four characters (including Isherwood himself) will be included. Nevertheless, this analysis will explore how homosexuality, liberalism and these marginalised groups are gradually erased from society.
This exploration of marginalised characters also considers how the human condition is one of adaptation in the face of adversity. The evolution of Isherwood’s archetypal characters represent the vulnerable demographics in the face of the looming Nazi regime. These character idiosyncrasies are used to embody the wider average German citizen - those outside the parameters set by Nazi ideology of an Aryan race: German, non-German, Jewish, bourgeoisie and working class. For an epoch that is written about in countless history books from a distance, Isherwood captures the essence of life as Berlin's 'golden years' are drawing to a close. ​Goodbye to Berlin sheds light on the personal anecdotes of its citizens at the time, the adaptations that had to be made, and indeed what this meant for the wider world.
 

Characters in ​Goodbye To Berlin
Sally Bowles: Promises, Prairie Oysters and Promiscuity
As the first character in Isherwood’s novel; it would be fair to argue that Sally Bowles is a product of her environment. Bold, "theatrical" (Mizejewski 237) and gregarious, Sally projects an air of promiscuity as an English wannabe-thespian who aspires to be "the greatest actress in the world" (Isherwood 53). Renowned for her diet of strictly prairie oysters, seemingly unwavering spirit and pursuit of amusement, Isherwood symbolises Sally to represent the bohemian, sometimes "unsavoury" (Holbeche 37) lifestyle of Berlin youth in the early 1930s, an "emblem of the self-deception and folly of that doomed society" (Lodge 67). Her apathetic, expressive and jaunty character fits comfortably into Berlin society at this prominent junction in history, prior to the Third Reich. However, it's clear that despite Sally's consistent rambles about her plans for when she becomes "terribly famous" (Isherwood 38), she possesses little concern for her realistic long-term aspirations. Isherwood characterises her "innocence and immorality" (Maes-Jelinek 346) by his presentation of Sally as the archetypal dreamer. In reality, Sally lives a marginalised life; facing multiple job rejections, an unwanted pregnancy, and the unsuccessful manipulation of "really rich men as [her] lover[s]" (Isherwood 54) on the promise of stardom. In spite of these setbacks, Sally's resilience is conveyed through her perpetual optimism. Her fixation on short term conquests is reflective of the highly uncertain and politically tense Berlin climate even at the beginning of the novel. Following his stay with the Nowak family, Isherwood confesses that he had "long meditated the experiment of introducing Natalia [Landauer] to Sally Bowles" (Isherwood 195), Natalia Landauer being the prudish Jewish cousin of Bernhard Landauer, who agrees to meet Sally and Isherwood for lunch. Sally characteristically arrives late. She excuses herself pretentiously, vulgarly oversharing; "I've been making love to a dirty old Jew producer. I'm hoping he'll give me a contract" (Isherwood, 196) before Isherwood promptly kicks her under the table for her "endless silly pornographic talk" (Isherwood 197). Undoubtedly also for her casual anti-semitism in calling her latest encounter a 'dirty old Jew', conveying that as far as Sally is concerned, these three words coincide with equally negative connotation. Isherwood characterises the unconsciousness of her anti-semitism, subtly highlighting her change in character through dialogue, not present at the beginning of the novel despite the anti-semitism of her environment - such as Fräulein Shroeder. Sally's subtle yet likely unintentional insult is significant as Isherwood does not previously expose any form of anti-semitic behaviour or dialogue from Sally throughout her characterisation. It is now, towards the end of 1932 that she begins to make negative connotations to the word ‘Jew’. Her statement is notable because it signifies that even Isherwood’s most licentious, unpolitical and apathetic character was beginning to comply with the socio-political atmosphere, the subtext of Isherwood's novel; Nazism (Marcovitch 81). Isherwood uses Sally as a vehicle to portray the unmarried, foreign female expat residents of Berlin who still felt they belonged as political aggression was directed at Jews. As the Third Reich was to rise to power, there would no longer be a place for the marginalised Sally Bowles, characterised by Isherwood as the unmaternal, promiscuous British socialite.


Fräulein Schroeder: Adaptation in the Face of Adversity
Isherwood introduces another marginalised character forced to adapt and acclimatise in the form of Fräulein Schroeder. Schroeder is Isherwood's landlady and characterised as anti-semitic spinster from the outset of the novel through her friendship with Bavarian singer Fräulein Mayr, of whom Isherwood describes as "an ardent Nazi" (Isherwood 12). The two women ruin the engagement of a Jewish neighbour and revel in the domestic violence that ensues. Isherwood highlights the prominent anti-semitism reverberating throughout Berlin as a common social construct of society. Additionally, Isherwood notes Fräulein Schroeder's compulsion to organise her belongings "like an uncompromising statement of her views on Capital and Society, Religion and Sex" (Isherwood 3) emphasising with simile her staunch, rigid views of society. Nevertheless, Fräulein Shroeder's character develops to depict her as almost comically changeable as readers approach the novel’s conclusion. Isherwood is well aware that Berlin is growing increasingly unsafe. Fräulein Shroeder is not as quick to comprehend this herself - likely in denial - and pleads with him not to depart, but Isherwood notes that like the city, she too is "adapting herself, as she will adapt herself to every new regime" (Isherwood 251), characterising her conformable personality to suit those in power. This reference to levels of power is further characterised as Isherwood despondently remarks that "Hitler is master of this city" (Isherwood 251), communicating a nuanced note of Schroeder's submission to the dominance of the impending regime. Isherwood directly contrasts this to Schroeder's aforementioned steadfast mindset to convey the increase in the resounding influence the Nazi regime imposed in developing the political climate for Berlin residents during this time period. Twentieth-century British literary specialist Heather Marcovitch claims that "Shroeder is emblematic" (344) of the transition of Berlin society, in which individualism is cast aside by acclimatisation and acceptance of authority. Shroeder certainly embodies the proportion of the Berlin population that aligns themselves with the beliefs that are necessary to survive, as the dominance of the new regime is inescapable. This can be reflective of Berlin itself as the city undergoes the inevitability of overwhelming ideological changes. Shroeder's purpose in society throughout the novel is to subsist in the uncertainty of Berlin's "demimonde" (Marcovitch 329). Ultimately, Shroeder would not be directly persecuted in Nazi society. However, she would be undoubtedly marginalised as Nazist ideology enforces domesticity and increased childbirth. Schroeder does not fit the role of the supportive, homely wife, nor is she of childbearing age. Her marginalisation as a spinster would be significant in the Third Reich because ideology saw “a sharp distinction between married and single status for women” (Heineman 18). Hence, she would not be deemed a valuable member of fascist society. Isherwood makes Fräulein Schroeder's transition throughout the novel one in which she appears to subconsciously morph her political views to align with the Nazist Berlin upon her. She develops from a headstrong and meddlesome member of her neighbourhood to one who is exceedingly yielding to authority. Fräulein Schroeder’s “spinsterhood” (Jeffrys 86) would further marginalise her due to biased expectations surrounding marital status in Nazi Germany. Her contigent loyalties demonstrate the increase of the overwhelming influence of the Nazi party in Berlin throughout the novel.


Bernhard Landauer: Casualty of the Final Solution
Unlike Fräulein Schroeder, Bernhard Landauer does not have the luxury of being able to morph his beliefs and is directly both marginalised and persecuted for his Jewish identity. An enigmatic figure of the Berlin upper-class, with his urbane yet aloof demeanour, Bernhard is a pivotal character for the reader as the sinister aspects of the Nazi regime are further unveiled following his introduction as a wealthy Jewish businessman. Introduced circa 1931, Isherwood meets the Landauer family at dinner. Herr Landauer directs a personal yet seemingly coded euphemism to Isherwood which Bernhard appears to be party to; “Was your English Law justified in punishing Oscar Wilde?” (Isherwood 184) to which Isherwood appears flustered, noting “in the background, I was aware of Bernhard, discreetly smiling” (Isherwood 184). From a queer perspective, Oscar Wilde was a prominent homosexual writer in literature and such a subtle manoeuve is considered a deliberate attempt by Herr Landauer to ascertain Isherwood’s opinion on homosexuality, and consquently alluding to Isherwood’s own sexual-orientation - an act of queer-coding (Groden 413). Bernhard’s inclusion in such an insinuation brings about a nuanced suggestion of his own sexuality. Isherwood visits Bernhard’s flat following the dinner,
 marvelling through flamboyant imagery at his “beautifully embroidered kimono” (Isherwood 188). Although dress is a largely stereotypical medium of judgement of one's sexuality, it is not the only inclination of Bernhard’s homosexuality. As he and Isherwood briefly discuss politics, Bernhard concedes that he "[believes] in discipline" (Isherwood 194), alluding to the rigidness of the competing political parties - including the NSDAP (Nazi party). He goes on to confess "we poor barbarians need the stiffness of a uniform to keep us standing upright" (Isherwood 195), leaning in favour of a strict regime to rectify the liberalism of Berlin. Bernhard juxtaposes his Jewish identity and belief in discipline, suggesting the need for strict reform. Further aligning himself with Nazist vernacular, Bernhard labels himself a "cross breed" with "polluted veins" (Isherwood 195), using semi-sarcastic language one would connotate with a dog. His affluence and popularity would not shield him however from the clutches of the Nazi agenda or anti-semetic propagranda.
As the novel progresses into 1933 with Hitler’s impending chancellorship, the tone of Isherwood’s interactions with Bernhard fall away from their previous sarcastic wit or aloofness, becoming morose and uneasy. Bernhard takes Isherwood to a country house outside of the city, where he is hosting a party. However, the mood becomes pensive as Bernhard shares intimate details of his life with Isherwood. From the perspective of sexuality, he shares he “was a queer sort of boy.... [he] never got on well with other boys” (Isherwood 205), a striking reference to his sexuality. The word ‘queer’ was in use throughout England and central Europe in the late 19th century in reference to homosexuality (Tamagne 30). It is likely therefore, that Bernhard was aware of this double entendre. Mirroring the degradation of Berlin's lively and liberal society, Isherwood notes with melancholic imagery Bernhard's "ill" appearance, with "sallow half-moons under his eyes" (Isherwood 216). These illustrations of decay reflecting symptoms of the influence of Nazism over those marginalised in society - even the wealthy Jewish. Bernhard dismissively reveals that he received a "bloodthirsty" letter from Nazis (Isherwood 216), foreshadowing Bernhard's later death, and the bloodthirsty domestic policy of the Nazi party to eradicate Jews - and homosexuals - from Germany. Isherwood on the other hand, is highly concerned by Bernhard’s refusal to contact the police, adding "we receive three or four such letters every week" (Isherwood 217). The novel had not previously revealed such harassment directed towards a prominent character, alerting the reader to a drastic increase in the level of Nazist activity in Berlin, and thus a considerable shift of the political landscape towards fascism. Bernhard is now in denial, highlighted by Isherwood's frustration as he calls Bernhard's party "a dress rehearsal of a disaster" (Isherwood 214), metaphorically referring to their performative ignorance of the increasing political tension between the Nazi and Communist parties. It appears Bernhard has accepted his fate, admitting he is "out of touch with existence" (Isherwood 218). Already contemplating his death, Bernhard proposes "perhaps, when I die my spirit will be wafted to Peking" (Isherwood 219), further foreshadowing his subsequent disappearance. Yet, Bernhard offers the idea of himself and Isherwood escaping to China together and “leave Berlin this evening” (Isherwood 220), “seemingly in jest” (Imrišková 31). Isherwood admits the denouement did not emerge until eighteen months after their last meeting, realising this proposition was “perfectly serious” (Isherwood 220). Moreover, English language professor Barbora Imrišková refers to Bernhard's offer as an elopement, rather than simply to escape Berlin, highlighting both his sexuality and possible attraction to Isherwood. Undeniably, it is clear through the queer perspective that Bernhard is a figure of nuanced homosexuality in ​Goodbye to Berlin​. His contemplative language in cohesion with his Jewish faith indicates his realisation and acceptance that an end to his current lifestyle, or even his life is forthcoming. Bernhard develops from a character of affluence to a murder that nobody dare question or investigate. Therefore, Isherwood demonstrates the development of Berlin's political landscape with the initial grandiose lifestyle of the confident, charming Bernhard Landauer, leading to his demise. The brutality facing marginalised groups such as homosexuals and Jewish citizens becomes a harsh reality for the reader as both Bernhard and Berlin fall to the hands of the Nazis.


Christopher Isherwood and his Narrative Voice

Isherwood finds himself on the margins of Berlin society, for being both a foreigner and somewhat closeted homosexual. Berlin's political future during this epoch is ambiguous as Isherwood divulges the secrets of Jewish millionaires and underground communist clubs all whilst observing the growing '​Sturmabteilung' disturbances on the streets of Berlin. Isherwood's role in the novel is intermittently intimate, despite designating himself at the onset of the novel as "a camera with its shutter open" (Isherwood 1). Isherwood conceives an idea between autobiography and fiction, effectively communicating his first-person narrative perspective of Berlin's instability alongside action and dialogue. Isherwood incontestably defines his narration as "passive" and "not thinking" (Isherwood 1), of which literary professor Malcolm Bradbury labels "almost neurotic passivity" (Tukacs 263). Isherwood's clear commitment to objectivity and detail throughout most of the novel is illustrative of authenticity. He accentuates to the reader that Berlin is a "foreign city" to him (Isherwood 2), perhaps feeling protection through his foreign identity and homosexuality - albeit closeted - thus not posing an imperative threat as he is able to flee Germany. As for his neuroticism, Isherwood's choice and composition of his subjects of observation serve as a nuanced indicator to his subjective sensitivity to the political situation. Thus, what Bradbury calls "neurotic passivity" is only accurate to an extent. For example, Isherwood provides a segment of what is "overheard in a café", and follows the dialogue of young Nazi couple disturbingly discussing "the future of the Party" (Isherwood 241). Isherwood does not directly provide narrative perspective on this dialogue. Nevertheless, its inclusion is indicative of an authorial decision that reveals its value to the narrator and thus the reader. Therefore, although his observations may be passive, his choice of what is observed is not.
Furthermore, despite the novel's extensive objectivity, Isherwood's description of Berlin's growing decadence is openly intimate and subjective on numerous occasions. His tone adopts an increasing disheartenment throughout the progression of the novel as both the transience of this era and the looming fascist influences begin to infringe upon Isherwood's observations. In attending a dinner party hosted by Bernhard Landauer circa 1931, Isherwood expresses a fatalistic outlook on the event; "However often the decision may be delayed, all these people are ultimately doomed. This evening is the dress-rehearsal of a disaster. It is like the last night of an epoch" (Isherwood 214) characterising a far more pessimistic and judgemental version of himself than previously represented. This is contrary to Bradbury's criticism of his passivity. Isherwood alludes to an air of denial from the guests, referring to the temporality of the era as he becomes increasingly burdened with the knowledge that his time in Berlin will come to an end, and not of his own volition. Isherwood would certainly be persecuted in the new era of the Third Reich for his British nationality if not his homosexuality.
In his final chapter, Isherwood demonstrates Nazism's growing influence on Berlin using figurative language of melancholia, disintegration and contamination. As the novel proceeds, Isherwood's imagery becomes lamentable as Berlin no longer appears the city of vigour it once seemed. Isherwood illustrates a street with "dirty snow", its inhabitants with "raw sullen faces" (Isherwood 158), a scene not only revealing Berlin's growing decadence, but exposes the economic discrepancy in Berlin's social classes (Leitch 653). Isherwood also describes the air in having a "moist, familiar, rottenness" (Isherwood 158). However, this rotting, decaying imagery alludes to fascism as an illness, and Berlin's growing decadence from the festering illness. Isherwood also personifies the city as a once living organism, as now "Berlin is a skeleton which aches in the cold: it is my own skeleton aching" (Isherwood 226). He creates a profound mournful tone as he depicts himself and the city as mortally connected, sharing a skeleton. Despite Malcolm Bradbury's precision regarding Isherwood's objectivity, it is not true for the novel’s entirety. In an emotive display of pathetic fallacy and empathetic character, Isherwood prompts sympathy from the reader, this once "foreign city" (Isherwood 2) becomes largely sentimental. Literary professor Andrew Monnickendam's claim serves a more accurate depiction, in which he describes Isherwood's narration as a documentation of the "maladies" of Berlin society (Tukacs 263). Moreover, this correlates to the aforementioned diseased and skeletal imagery used to describe Berlin. Much of Isherwoods narration following 1932 becomes a commentary of the decaying Berlin society that was once vibrant, as Isherwood becomes equally unspirited and grievous. The development of his character alongside the festering decadence of Berlin is evident as Isherwood walks "down the Bülowstrasse, the Nazis were raiding the house of a small liberal pacifist publisher." (Isherwood 249), in 1933. Contrastingly, a street that was aforementioned the location of nights of laughter with Sally Bowles, is merely two years later the scene of raids of minorities. Here, Isherwood’s narration takes an almost comatose state of observation, inferring his dismay at how his environment has so drastically changed. He breaks this objection in his last line of the novel, remarking that "No. Even now I can't altogether believe that any of this has really happened" (Isherwood 252). Isherwood underscores his disbelief at the drastic shift from Berlin as a multicultural hub for the arts, to this new pre-fascist regime in which he no longer feels safe from authority.


Conclusion

In ​Goodbye to Berlin,​ Isherwood extensively utilises his characters to provide the reader insight into how the political landscape of Berlin developed, its sweeping societal standards re-drawing the margins of society as liberal Berlin ceases to exist. Isherwood channels this through the development of characterisation using primarily dialogue, imagery and symbolism to reveal the extent of this influence. Although vastly different, they are outside of the exacting standards of the new fascist order, marginalised. Sally's status as an expat alongside being an iconic figure of the sexually liberal culture of Berlin's "underworld" (Marcovitch 338) positions her directly contrary to the standard of Nazi women. However, she demonstrates the increasing influence of Nazi prejudices with her anti-semitic dialogue. Neither German, nor conforming to the role of a submissive housewife, she would likely be persecuted as a result. Fräulein Schroeder on the other hand, makes a conscious shift in loyalty once she realises Nazis are in favour of attaining power. Shroeder exhibits animal-like survivalism, a symbol of Berlin’s lower class acting in conformity with authority in order to subsist. She would nevertheless be marginalised by Nazi society for her status as a childless spinster, her devotion to fascism intensifying as a result. However, she would not be pushed outside the “unforgiving margin” (MacNeil 3) like Bernhard, Sally, and Christopher - for reasons they cannot change. As the novel nears its end, Isherwood shifts not only to a member of the upper class, but to the flamboyant Bernhard Landauer. As both a Jew and inferred homosexual, Bernhard's introduction is placed at a pivotal point in the novel in which Berlin's sink into fascism gains momentum. His experience of multiple anti-Semitic provocations prompts vivid imagery of his ill appearance, aligning to Isherwood's diseased imagery of the city itself. Bernhard is not only marginalised, but violently oppressed as the reader is exposed to the novel’s abrupt reality of the escalation of violence and murder at the malevolent birth of the Nazi regime.

 Contrary to the beginning of the novel, Nazist activity becomes increasingly aggressive to the reader, as these events are documented more frequently by Isherwood in his observational narration. Conclusively, Isherwood's own frustrations are revealed in his diary entries as he grows irritated with Berlin’s political evolution. Furthermore, in an emotive moment of reflection, Isherwood uses captivating imagery and pathetic fallacy to describe the disease of Nazism which holds control over Berlin.
Written with the benefit of hindsight, ​Goodbye to Berlin is a testament to how the grass shoots of violent oppression grew into the mass genocide of the marginalised. The characters in ​Goodbye to Berlin retell the wider story of Berlin’s societal metamorphosis from the perspective of its impact on the everyday person. These characters were fully functioning members of society, yet their innate attributes or positions in their community - being single, Jewish, or homosexual - would now be demonised. Reverting to his observant role behind the camera, Isherwood escapes Berlin at the beginning of 1933 - mere weeks before Hitler's rise to chancellorship - leaving his characters behind as symptoms of Berlin's great malady; fascism.


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