Showing posts with label Westfriedhof. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Westfriedhof. Show all posts

Nazi Graves in Munich

Nordfriedhof
The Nordfriedhof ("Northern Cemetery"), with 34,000 burial plots, is one of the largest cemeteries in Munich, Bavaria, Germany. It is situated in the suburb of Schwabing-Freimann. It was established by the former community of Schwabing in 1884. It is not to be confused with the Alter Nordfriedhof in Munich, which was set up only a short time previously within the then territory of the city of Munich.  A station on the Munich U-Bahn is also called Nordfriedhof after the cemetery, and the surrounding area is also known locally as "Nordfriedhof" from the station.  The imposing cemetery buildings include a chapel, a mortuary and a burial wall, which was designed between 1896 and 1899 by the municipal architect Hans Grässel. In 1962 a columbarium was added to the north by the architect Eugen Jacoby.  The chapel is described, slightly altered, in Thomas Mann's novella Death in Venice, when the sight of it precipitates a foreboding of death in the protagonist.  Contents      1 Selected burials     2 Sources     3 Notes and references     4 External links  Selected burials      Peter Paul Althaus, poet of Schwabing     Herb Andress, actor     Annette von Aretin, first female announcer of Bayerischer Rundfunk     August Arnold, film producer and director     Karl Arnold, caricaturist in the journal Simplicissimus     Philip Arp, actor, cabaret performer, author and theatre director     Gert Bastian, brigadier-general, symbolic figure of the peace movement     Fritz Benscher, actor and quiz master     Otto Bezold, politician     Franziska Bilek, caricaturist and artist     Louis Braun, professor and historical painter     Beppo Brem, folk actor     Georg Britting, writer     Christine Buchegger, actress     Franz von Defregger, artist     Hans Dölle, legal academic     Sammy Drechsel, sports reporter and cabaret performer, and his wife Irene Koss, actress and the first television announcer in Germany     Constanze Engelbrecht, actress     Oskar Eversbusch, professor of ophthalmology     Theodore Feucht, painter     Josef Flossmann, sculptor     Leonhard Frank, writer     Hermann Frieb, resistance fighter against the Nazi regime     Marie Amelie von Godin, writer, supporter of women's rights and Albanologist     Günter Freiherr von Gravenreuth, lawyer     Klaus Havenstein, cabaret performer and actor     Johannes Heesters, actor and singer     Trude Hesterberg (Schönherr), cabaret performer     Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitler's official photographer, with his daughter Henriette von Schirach     Kurt Horwitz, actor, director at the Munich Kammerspiele, director of the Bayerisches Staatsschauspiel     Peter Igelhoff, musician, composer of pop music and jazz     Günther Kaufmann, actor     Eduard von Keyserling, writer (grave 25-4-1)     Kathi Kobus, landlady of the Alter Simpl     Wolfgang Koeppen, writer     Oskar Körner, killed during the Munich Putsch, Second Chairman of the NSDAP     Otto Kurth, actor and director     Inge Latz, composer and musical healer     Hermann Lenz, writer     Ernst Mach, physicist and philosopher     Ferdinand Marian, actor (grave now removed)     Georg Marischka, actor and director     Anton Neuhäusler, Bavarian dialect poet     Peter Pasetti, actor     Ludwig Petuel senior and junior, industrialists     Toni Pfülf, SPD politician     Bally Prell, performance artist     Sebastian Osterrieder, sculptor, Krippenwastl     Theodor von der Pfordten, killed during the Munich Putsch (in family grave)     Hans Pössenbacher, actor     Mady Rahl, actress (grave 178-U-66)     Anton Riemerschmid, founder of the first German business school for girls     Barbara Rudnik, actress     Wilhelm von Rümann, sculptor, formerly in the Alten Vereins-Urnenhalle (urn now secured)     Arnulf Schröder, actor     Carl-Heinz Schroth, actor     Oswald Spengler, political philosopher     Heinz-Günter Stamm, actor, radio and theatre director     Fedor Stepun, philosopher and sociologist     Karlheinz Summerer, Roman Catholic chaplain for the Munich Olympics, 1972     Siegbert Tarrasch, chess player, theoretician and writer     Kurt Weinzierl, actor, cabaret performer and director     Frederic Vester, biochemist, environmental expert and writer     Albert Weisgerber, painter     Annemarie Wendl, actress     Otto Wernicke, actor (grave now removed)     Josef Wittmann, church painter     Karoline Wittmann, painter     Paul Wittmann, sculptor     Eduard Zimmermann, journalist and television presenter      A mass grave for 2,099 victims of aerial bombardment during World War II has been converted to form a "grove of honour for air raid victims" (Ehrenhain für Luftkriegsopfer), with a monument by Hans Wimmer.
 Nordfriedhof - where many from Hitler's inner circle are buried.
Der Nordfriedhof ist mit 34.000 Grabplätzen einer der Großfriedhöfe der Stadt München. Er liegt im Stadtteil Schwabing-Freimann. Der Friedhof wurde 1884 von der damaligen Gemeinde Schwabing errichtet. Nicht zu verwechseln ist der Friedhof mit dem Alten Nordfriedhof in München, welcher nur kurze Zeit davor auf dem damaligen Münchner Stadtgebiet entstand. Es gibt auch eine Station der U-Bahn München mit dem Namen Nordfriedhof, weshalb auch das umliegende Gebiet von der Bevölkerung Nordfriedhof genannt wird.  Der Friedhof hat eine Aussegnungshalle, eine Leichenhalle und eine Mauereinfriedung, welche zwischen 1896 und 1899 vom Stadtbaurat Hans Grässel entworfen wurden. 1962 kam noch eine Urnenhalle N vom Architekten Eugen Jacoby hinzu.  Die Aussegnungshalle ist in Thomas Manns Novelle Der Tod in Venedig beschrieben, wenn auch leicht verändert. Der Anblick löst beim Protagonisten Todesahnung aus. Als er in dieser Stimmung einen „Fremden“ in Reisekleidung vor dem Portal der Halle sieht, stellt sich bei ihm „Reiselust“ ein, „wahrhaft als Anfall auftretend und ins Leidenschaftliche, ja bis zur Sinnestäuschung gesteigert“.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Gräber bekannter Persönlichkeiten     2 Literatur     3 Weblinks     4 Einzelnachweise  Gräber bekannter Persönlichkeiten      Peter Paul Althaus, Schwabinger Dichter     Herb Andress, Schauspieler     Annette von Aretin, erste Fernsehansagerin des Bayerischen Rundfunks     August Arnold, Filmproduzent und -regisseur     Karl Arnold, Karikaturist im Simplicissimus     Philip Arp, Schauspieler, Kabarettist, Autor und Theater-Regisseur     Gert Bastian, Brigadegeneral, Symbolfigur der Friedensbewegung     Fritz Benscher, Schauspieler und Quizmaster     Otto Bezold, Politiker     Franziska Bilek, Karikaturistin, Zeichnerin     Louis Braun, Professor und Historienmaler     Beppo Brem, Volksschauspieler     Georg Britting, Schriftsteller     Christine Buchegger, Schauspielerin     Franz von Defregger, Kunstmaler     Eduard Dietl, Generaloberst im Zweiten Weltkrieg und Kommandeur von Gebirgsjägertruppen     Hans Dölle, Rechtswissenschaftler     Sammy Drechsel, Sportreporter und Kabarettist und Gattin Irene Koss, Schauspielerin und erste Fernsehansagerin Deutschlands.     Constanze Engelbrecht, Schauspielerin     Oskar Eversbusch, Professor für Augenheilkunde     Theodore Feucht, Maler     Josef Flossmann, Bildhauer     Leonhard Frank, Schriftsteller     Hermann Frieb, Widerstandskämpfer gegen das Naziregime     Marie Amelie Freiin von Godin, Schriftstellerin, Frauenrechtlerin und Albanologin     Günter Freiherr von Gravenreuth, Rechtsanwalt     Klaus Havenstein, Kabarettist und Schauspieler     Johannes Heesters, Schauspieler und Sänger (Grab an der Kreuzung Weg 53 und 55)     Trude Hesterberg (Schönherr), Kabarettistin     Heinrich Hoffmann, Hitlers Leibphotograph mit Tochter Henriette von Schirach     Kurt Horwitz, Schauspieler und Regisseur an den Münchner Kammerspielen, Intendant am Bayerischen Staatsschauspiel     Peter Igelhoff, Schlager- und Jazzkomponist und Musiker     Gisela Jonas-Dialer, Künstlername Schwabinger Gisela, Chansonsängerin     Günther Kaufmann, Schauspieler     Eduard von Keyserling, Schriftsteller (Grab 25-4-1)     Kathi Kobus, Wirtin des Alten Simpl     Wolfgang Koeppen, Schriftsteller     Oskar Körner, Putschist und Zweiter Vorsitzender der NSDAP     Werner Kubsch, Unternehmer und Gründer von Studiosus Reisen     Otto Kurth, Schauspieler und Regisseur     Inge Latz, Komponistin und Musikheilerin     Hermann Lenz, Schriftsteller     Georg Lohmeier, Schriftsteller, Dramatiker, Regisseur und Schauspieler     Ernst Mach, Physiker und Philosoph     Ferdinand Marian, Schauspieler (Grabstätte inzwischen aufgelöst)     Georg Marischka, Schauspieler und Regisseur     Wilhelm Olschewski sen. (1871–1943), Mitglied der Hartwimmer-Olschewski-Widerstandsgruppe zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus, in dem Familiengrab sind auch Wilhelm „Willi“ Olschewski jun. (1902–1944) und Otto Binder (1904–1944) beigesetzt, die ebenfalls der Gruppe angehörten.     Anton Neuhäusler, bayerischer Mundartdichter     Peter Pasetti, Schauspieler     Ludwig Petuel sen. und jun., Industrielle     Toni Pfülf, SPD-Politikerin     Bally Prell, Vortragskünstlerin     Sebastian Osterrieder, Bildhauer, Krippenwastl     Theodor von der Pfordten, Putschist (im Familiengrab)     Hans Pössenbacher, Schauspieler     Mady Rahl, deutsche Schauspielerin (Grabnummer 178-U-66)     Anton Riemerschmid, Gründer der ersten deutschen Handelsschule für Mädchen     Barbara Rudnik, deutsche Schauspielerin     Wilhelm von Rümann, Bildhauer, ehemals in der Alten Vereins-Urnenhalle, Urne gesichert     Arnulf Schröder, Schauspieler     Carl-Heinz Schroth, Schauspieler     Oswald Spengler, politischer Philosoph     Heinz-Günter Stamm, Schauspieler, Hörspiel- und Theaterregisseur     Lotte Stein, deutsche Schauspielerin     Fedor Stepun, Philosoph und Soziologe     Karlheinz Summerer, deutscher Olympiapfarrer     Paul Ludwig Troost, deutscher Architekt     Siegbert Tarrasch, Schachspieler, Theoretiker und Buchautor     Tom Toelle, Regisseur     Frederic Vester, Biochemiker, Umweltexperte und Autor     Kurt Weinzierl, Schauspieler, Kabarettist und Regisseur     Albert Weisgerber, Maler     Arnold Weiss-Rüthel, Schriftsteller, Satiriker, Dramaturg     Annemarie Wendl, Schauspielerin     Otto Wernicke, Schauspieler (Grabstätte inzwischen aufgelöst)     Josef Wittmann, Kirchenmaler     Karoline Wittmann, Malerin     Paul Wittmann, Bildhauer     Eduard Zimmermann, Journalist und Fernsehmoderator     Ein Massengrab für 2099 Opfer des Bombenkriegs wurde zum Ehrenhain für Luftkriegsopfer umgestaltet. Das Mahnmal stammt von Hans Wimmer. 
After being bombed in 1944 and today
Paul Ludwig Troost (* 17. August 1878 in Elberfeld; † 21. Januar 1934 in München) war ein deutscher Architekt. Unter anderem errichtete er ab 1933 den „Führerbau“ am Königsplatz in München und war verantwortlich für den Umbau des „Braunen Hauses“ in München.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Leben     2 Bauten (Auswahl)     3 Literatur     4 Weblinks     5 Einzelnachweise  Leben  Troost studierte an der Technischen Hochschule Darmstadt Architektur, wo er unter anderem Schüler von Prof. Karl Hofmann war; nach dem Studium arbeitete er zunächst bei dessen Bruder, dem Konsistorialbaumeister Ludwig Hofmann und ab ca. 1900 als Bürochef bei Martin Dülfer in München. Ab 1904 (nach anderen Quellen: 1906) arbeitete er als selbstständiger Architekt in München. Troost war zudem Mitglied im Deutschen Werkbund. Zwischen 1912 und 1930 richtete er etliche Transatlantik-Schnelldampfer für den Norddeutschen Lloyd ein, eine Zusammenarbeit, die auf die Kooperation der Reederei mit dem Deutschen Werkbund zurückzuführen war.[1] Er war wesentlich an der Innengestaltung von Schloss Cecilienhof in Potsdam beteiligt.  Elsa und Hugo Bruckmann waren es, die im Herbst 1930 den privaten Kontakt zwischen Troost und Adolf Hitler vermittelten.[2][3] Troost war vor Albert Speer der Lieblingsarchitekt Hitlers, für den er ab 1933 die „Führerwohnung“ in der alten Reichskanzlei in Berlin umbaute. Dabei griff Troost vielfach auf Stilelemente und Motive seiner Dampfereinrichtungen und eines monumentalisierten Art Déco zurück.  Troost war zusammen mit dem ebenfalls 1934 verstorbenen Ludwig Ruff weit mehr als Albert Speer stilbildend für die Architektursprache des „Dritten Reichs“. Sein bekanntestes Bauwerk ist das erst postum fertiggestellte „Haus der Deutschen Kunst“ (heute „Haus der Kunst“) in München, das Veranstaltungsort der Großen Deutschen Kunstausstellung war.  Postum wurde Troost mit dem 1937 gestifteten Deutschen Nationalpreis für Kunst und Wissenschaft geehrt. Seine Witwe Gerdy Troost hatte weiterhin großen Einfluss auf die Architektur im Nationalsozialismus und erhielt 1943 von Hitler eine Dotation in Höhe von 100.000 Reichsmark.[4]  Troosts Grab befindet sich auf dem Münchner Nordfriedhof. Bauten (Auswahl) Haus der Kunst in München      1902: Familiengruft Becker auf dem Jüdischen Friedhof Berlin-Weißensee (als Mitarbeiter von Martin Dülfer)     um 1903: Wohnhaus für den Landschaftsmaler Prof. Benno Becker in München-Bogenhausen (als Mitarbeiter von Martin Dülfer) (1968 abgerissen)     1905–1906: Wohnhaus für Felix vom Rath in München-Schwabing     um 1907: Wohnhaus in Schwerin     1907–1909: Villa Chillingworth in Nürnberg     1914–1917: Innenräume des Schlosses Cecilienhof in Potsdam     1933–1936: „Verwaltungsbau“ und „Führerbau“ der NSDAP in München     1933–1937: „Haus der Deutschen Kunst“ in München  Literatur      Sabine Brantl: Haus der Kunst München. Ein Ort und seine Geschichte im Nationalsozialismus. Allitera Verlag, München 2007, ISBN 978-3-86520-242-0 ('Edition Monacensia).     Sonja Günther: Design der Macht. Möbel für Repräsentanten des „Dritten Reichs“. Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, Stuttgart 1992, ISBN 3-421-03029-4.     Hartmut Mayer: Paul Ludwig Troost: „germanische Tektonik“ für München. Wasmuth, Tübingen/Berlin 2007, ISBN 978-3-8030-0678-3.     Winfried Nerdinger (Hrsg.): Bauen im Nationalsozialismus. Bayern 1933–1945. Klinkhardt und Biermann, München 1993, ISBN 3-7814-0360-2.     Timo Nüßlein: Paul Ludwig Troost – das architektonische Frühwerk 1902–1913; Wohnhäuser, Projekte und Wettbewerbsentwürfe. Magisterarbeit, Freiburg 2004.     Timo Nüßlein: Paul Ludwig Troost (1878-1934) (= Hitlers Architekten. Historisch-kritische Monographien zur Regimearchitektur im Nationalsozialismus. Hrsg. von Winfried Nerdinger u. Raphael Rosenberg. Bd. 1), Böhlau, Wien u.a. 2012, ISBN 978-3-205-78865-2.      Robert Scholz: Paul Ludwig Troost. In: Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte, Heft 161 - (1. Doppelheft 1944)
The grave of Hitler's favourite architect, shown on the left with Hitler paying his respects during the ceremonies "marking the opening of the Haus der Deutschen Kunst in July 1937" again from Third Reich Ruins. "In Munich Hitler spent many hours in the studio of Professor Troost, his favourite architect" (Bullock, 387) who had designed the Haus Deutschen Kunst. According to Albert Speer,
The Führer found in the irreplaceable artist Paul Ludwig Troost, his architect. Troost understood how to utilise Hitler's intentions and how to provide the correct architectural form. The Führer during his great speech at the cultural meeting of the Reich Party in 1935, delivered a memorial to Professor Troost which could not have been a more beautiful tribute to an architect of our times, Hitler said: We should be filled with happy pride that through a strange fate Germany possessed the greatest architect since Schinkel, in the new Reich and for the movement. He erected his first and unfortunately his only tremendous works in stone as monuments of true Germanic and Teutonic purity.
Paul Ludwig Troost (17 August 1878 – 21 January 1934),[1][2] was a German architect. A favourite master builder of Adolf Hitler from 1930, his Neoclassical designs for the Führerbau and the Haus der Kunst in Munich influenced the style of Nazi architecture.  Contents      1 Life         1.1 Early career         1.2 Hitler     2 See also     3 References  Life Early career  Born in Elberfeld, Troost attended the Technical College of Darmstadt and, upon finishing his course, worked with Martin Dülfer in Munich. About 1904 he opened his own architectural office and became a member of the modernist Deutscher Werkbund association. Troost designed several rooms of Cecilienhof Palace in Potsdam; he graduated from designing steamship décor for the Norddeutscher Lloyd shipping company before World War I, and the fittings for showy transatlantic liners like the SS Europa, to a style that combined Spartan traditionalism with elements of modernity.  An extremely tall, spare-looking, reserved Westphalian with a close-shaven head, Troost belonged to a school of architects like Peter Behrens and Walter Gropius who, even before 1914, reacted sharply against the highly ornamental Jugendstil movement and advocated a restrained, lean architectural approach, almost devoid of ornament. Hitler  Troost and Hitler first met in 1930, through the agency of the Nazi publisher Hugo Bruckmann and his wife Elsa. Although, before 1933 he did not belong to the leading group of German architects, Troost became Hitler's foremost architect whose neo-classical style became for a time the official architecture of the Third Reich. His work filled Hitler with enthusiasm, and he planned and built state and municipal edifices throughout Germany. Haus der Kunst in 2009  In the autumn of 1933, he was commissioned to rebuild and refurnish Hitler's dwellings in the Reich Chancellery in Berlin.[3] Along with other architects like Ludwig Ruff, Troost planned and built State and municipal edifices throughout the country, including new administrative offices, social buildings for workers and bridges across the main highways. One of the many structures he planned before his death was the Haus der Kunst (House of German Art) in Munich,[4] modeled on Schinkel's Altes Museum in Berlin and intended to be a great temple for a "true, eternal art of the German people". It was a good example of the imitation of classical forms in monumental public buildings during the Third Reich, though subsequently Hitler moved away from the more restrained style of Troost, reverting to the more elaborate imperial grandeur that he had admired in the 19th century Vienna Ring Road (Ringstraße) boulevard of his youth.  Hitler's relationship to Troost was that of a pupil to an admired teacher. According to Albert Speer, who later became Hitler's favorite architect, the Führer would impatiently greet Troost with the words: "I can't wait, Herr Professor. Is there anything new? Let's see it!" Troost would then lay out his latest plans and sketches. Hitler frequently declared, according to Speer, that "he first learned what architecture was from Troost"'. The architect's death on 21 January 1934, after a severe illness, was a painful blow, but Hitler remained close to his widow Gerdy Troost, whose architectural taste frequently coincided with his own, which made her (in Speer's words) "a kind of arbiter of art in Munich." He was buried in the Munich Nordfriedhof (Northern Cemetery). The gravestone still survives although the family name has been removed.  Hitler posthumously awarded Troost the German National Prize for Art and Science in 1937.
Hitler attended Troost’s burial on January 24 at the Munich Nordfriedhof. Contrary to his customary habit, he not only appeared at the funeral ceremony itself, but accompanied the casket to the grave. Every January 21 Hitler had a wreath placed at the grave.
Andreas Bauriedl (* 4. Mai 1879 in Aschaffenburg; † 9. November 1923 in München) war ein deutscher Kaufmann und Teilnehmer am Hitlerputsch. Werdegang  Bauriedl arbeitete als Hutmacher und war frühes Mitglied der NSDAP. Als Teilnehmer an Hitlers Putschversuch wurde er am 9. November 1923 von der verteidigenden Münchner Polizei erschossen. Bauriedl wurde tödlich in den Bauch getroffen und fiel auf eine Hakenkreuzfahne, die ihr Träger, Heinrich Trambauer, verwundet hatte fallen lassen. Die noch heute teilweise verbreitete Aussage, Bauriedl sei der Fahnenträger gewesen, wurde bereits frühzeitig widerlegt.[1] Die von Bauriedls Blut getränkte Flagge wurde später als „Blutfahne“ eine Reliquie der Nationalsozialisten, Bauriedls Name, so wie der zweier weiterer Toter (Anton von Hechtenberger und Lorenz von Stransky) wurden in Silberfäden in die Fahne eingestickt.[2]  Im Zuge der nach der Machtübernahme der Nationalsozialisten vorangetriebenen Umdeutung der Ereignisse vom November 1923 wurde Bauriedl zusammen mit den anderen Erschossenen zum „Blutzeugen der Bewegung“ stilisiert. Sein Leichnam wurde im November 1935 vom Münchener Nordfriedhof in einen Ehrentempel am Königlichen Platz in München umgebettet und jährlich fanden aufwändig inszenierte Totenfeiern statt (Näheres hier). Nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges wurde die Krypta von den alliierten Besatzungstruppen im Juli 1945 zerstört und Bauriedl fand wieder auf dem Münchner Nordfriedhof seine letzte Ruhestätte (Grab 121-2-26).  Nach Bauriedl waren in mehreren Städten des Deutschen Reichs Straßen benannt, so in Gelsenkirchen, Recklinghausen[3], München, Düsseldorf, Wuppertal, Breslau, Danzig, Würzburg, Kassel, Leverkusen, Weiden i.d.OPf. und Völklingen. Sie wurden nach dem Zusammenbruch des Dritten Reichs wieder umbenannt.
Andreas Bauriedl was an early member of the Nazi Party who participated in the Beer Hall Putsch on 9 November 1923. When the Munich Police opened fire on the on the marchers, Bauriedl was hit in the abdomen, killing him and causing him to fall on the Nazi flag, which had fallen to the ground when its flagbearer, Heinrich Trambauer, was severely wounded. Bauriedl's blood soaked the flag. The flag later became known as the Blutfahne, a sacred relic to the Nazis, and Andreas Bauriedl and the other killed participants of the putsch were regarded as the first martyrs to the Nazi Party. His body was interred in a crypt in the an Ehrentempel as part of a memorial to the putsch. The memorial was demolished by the Allied occupation forces at the end of the Second World War.
The Beer Hall Putsch, also known as the Munich Putsch,[1] and, in German, as the Hitlerputsch or Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch, was a failed coup attempt by the Nazi Party leader Adolf Hitler — along with Generalquartiermeister Erich Ludendorff and other Kampfbund leaders — to seize power in Munich, Bavaria, during 8–9 November 1923. About two thousand men marched to the centre of Munich, where they confronted the police, which resulted in the death of 16 Nazis and four policemen.[1]  After two days, Hitler was arrested and charged with treason.[2] From Hitler's perspective, there were three positive benefits from this attempt to seize power unlawfully. First, the putsch brought Hitler to the attention of the nation. His arrest was followed by a 24-day trial, which gave him a platform to publicize his nationalist sentiment to the nation. Hitler was found guilty of treason and sentenced to five years in Landsberg Prison.[3] The second benefit to Hitler resulted in the production of his book Mein Kampf, which was dictated to his fellow prisoner, Rudolf Hess. On 20 December 1924, having served only nine months, Hitler was released.[4][5] The final benefit that accrued to Hitler was the insight that the path to power was through legitimate means. Revolution and anarchy was not the answer to the pursuit of power. Accordingly, the most significant outcome of the putsch was a decision by Hitler to change NSDAP tactics, which would demand an increasing reliance on the development and furthering of Nazi propaganda.[6]  Contents      1 Background     2 The Putsch         2.1 Counterattack     3 Trial and prison     4 Fatalities         4.1 Bavarian police         4.2 Nazis     5 Martyrdom     6 Supporters of the Putsch         6.1 Key supporters         6.2 Other notable supporters         6.3 At the front of the march         6.4 Chief defendants in the 'Ludendorff-Hitler' trial     7 See also     8 Notes     9 References     10 Bibliography     11 External links  Background  In early 20th century Germany, many of the larger cities of southern Germany had beer halls where hundreds or even thousands of people would socialize in the evenings, drink beer and participate in political and social debates. Such beer halls also became the host of occasional political rallies. One of Munich's largest beer halls was the "Bürgerbräukeller." This was the location of the famous Beer Hall Putsch.  The Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, sounded the death knell of German power and prestige. Like many other Germans of the period, Hitler believed that the treaty was a betrayal, with the country having been "stabbed-in-the-back" by its own government, particularly as the German Army was popularly thought to have been undefeated in the field. Germany, it was felt, had been betrayed by civilian leaders and Marxists, who were later called the "November Criminals."[7]  Hitler remained in the army, in Munich, after World War I. He participated in various "national thinking" courses. These had been organized by the Education and Propaganda Department of the Bavarian Reichswehr, under Captain Karl Mayr,[8] of which Hitler became an agent. Captain Mayr ordered Hitler, then an army lance corporal, to infiltrate the tiny Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, abbreviated DAP (German Workers' Party).[9] Hitler joined the DAP on 12 September 1919.[10] He soon realized that he was in agreement with many of the underlying tenets of the DAP and he rose to its top post in the ensuing chaotic political atmosphere of postwar Munich.[11] By agreement, Hitler assumed the political leadership of a number of Bavarian "patriotic associations" (revanchist), called the Kampfbund.[12] This political base extended to include about 15,000 brawlers, most of whom were ex-soldiers.  On 26 September 1923, following a period of turmoil and political violence, Bavarian Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling declared a state of emergency and Gustav von Kahr was appointed Staatskomissar, or state commissioner, with dictatorial powers to govern the state. In addition to von Kahr, Bavarian state police chief Colonel Hans Ritter von Seisser and Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow formed a ruling triumvirate.[13] Hitler announced that he would hold 14 mass meetings beginning on 27 September 1923. Afraid of the potential disruption, one of Kahr's first actions was to ban the announced meetings.[14] Hitler was under pressure to act. The Nazis, with other leaders in the Kampfbund, felt they had to march upon Berlin and seize power or their followers would turn to the Communists.[15] Hitler enlisted the help of World War I general Erich Ludendorff in an attempt to gain the support of Kahr and his triumvirate. However, Kahr had his own plan with Seisser and Lossow to install a nationalist dictatorship without Hitler.[15] November of 1923 was the height of hyperinflation in the Weimar Republic. The Putsch  The attempted putsch was inspired by Benito Mussolini's successful March on Rome, from 22 to 29 October 1922. Hitler and his associates planned to use Munich as a base for a march against Germany's Weimar Republic government. But the circumstances were different from those in Italy. Hitler came to the realization that Kahr sought to control him and was not ready to act against the government in Berlin. Hitler wanted to seize a critical moment for successful popular agitation and support.[16] He decided to take matters into his own hands. Hitler, along with a large detachment of SA, marched on the Bürgerbräukeller, where Kahr was making a speech in front of 3,000 people.[17]  In the cold, dark evening, 600 SA surrounded the beer hall and a machine gun was set up in the auditorium. Hitler, surrounded by his associates Hermann Göring, Alfred Rosenberg, Rudolf Hess, Ernst Hanfstaengl, Ulrich Graf, Johann Aigner, Adolf Lenk, Max Amann, Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter, Wilhelm Adam, and others (some 20 in all), advanced through the crowded auditorium. Unable to be heard above the crowd, Hitler fired a shot into the ceiling and jumped on a chair yelling: "The national revolution has broken out! The hall is filled with six hundred men. Nobody is allowed to leave." He went on to state the Bavarian government was deposed and declared the formation of a new government with Ludendorff.[18]  Hitler, accompanied by Hess, Lenk and Graf, ordered the triumvirate of Kahr, Seisser, and Lossow into an adjoining room at gunpoint and demanded they support the putsch.[19] Hitler had promised Lossow a few days earlier that he would not attempt a coup,[20] but now thought that he would get an immediate response of affirmation from them, imploring Kahr to accept the position of Regent of Bavaria. Kahr replied that he could not be expected to collaborate, especially as he had been taken out of the auditorium under heavy guard.[citation needed]  Heinz Pernet, Johann Aigner and Scheubner-Richter were dispatched to pick up Ludendorff, whose personal prestige was being harnessed to give the Nazis credibility. A telephone call was made from the kitchen by Hermann Kriebel to Ernst Röhm, who was waiting with his Bund Reichskriegsflagge in the Löwenbräukeller, another beer hall, and he was ordered to seize key buildings throughout the city. At the same time, co-conspirators under Gerhard Rossbach mobilized the students of a nearby Officers Infantry school to seize other objectives.  Hitler became irritated by Kahr and summoned Ernst Pöhner, Friedrich Weber and Hermann Kriebel to stand in for him while he returned to the auditorium flanked by Rudolf Hess and Adolf Lenk. He followed up on Göring's speech and stated that the action was not directed at the police and Reichswehr, but against "...the Berlin Jew government and the November criminals of 1918".[18] Dr. Karl Alexander von Mueller, a professor of modern history and political science at the University of Munich and a supporter of Kahr, was an eyewitness. He reported:      I cannot remember in my entire life such a change in the attitude of a crowd in a few minutes, almost a few seconds ... Hitler had turned them inside out, as one turns a glove inside out, with a few sentences. It had almost something of hocus-pocus, or magic about it.  Hitler ended his speech with: "Outside are Kahr, Lossow and Seisser. They are struggling hard to reach a decision. May I say to them that you will stand behind them?"[21] Odeonsplatz in Munich on 9 November.  The crowd in the hall backed Hitler with a roar of approval.[21] He finished triumphantly:      You can see that what motivates us is neither self-conceit or self-interest, but only a burning desire to join the battle in this grave eleventh hour for our German Fatherland ... One last thing I can tell you. Either the German revolution begins tonight or we will all be dead by dawn![21]  Hitler returned to the anteroom, where the triumvirs remained, to ear-shattering acclaim, which the triumvirs could not have failed to notice. On his way back, Hitler ordered Göring and Hess to take Eugen von Knilling and seven other members of the Bavarian government into custody.  During Hitler's speech, Pöhner, Weber, and Kriebel had been trying in a conciliatory fashion to bring the triumvirate round to their point of view. The atmosphere in the room had become lighter but Kahr continued to dig in his heels. Ludendorff showed up a little before 9 p.m. and, being shown into the ante-room, concentrated on Lossow and Seisser, appealing to their sense of duty. Eventually the triumvirate reluctantly gave in.  Hitler, Ludendorff et al. returned to the main hall's podium, where they gave speeches and shook hands. The crowd was then allowed to leave the hall.[21] In a tactical mistake, Hitler decided to leave the Bürgerbräukeller shortly thereafter to deal with a crisis elsewhere. Around 10:30 p.m., Ludendorff released Kahr and his associates.  The night was marked by confusion and unrest among government officials, armed forces, police units, and individuals deciding where their loyalties lay. Units of the Kampfbund were scurrying around to arm themselves from secret caches, and seizing buildings. At around 3 am, the first casualties of the putsch occurred when the local garrison of the Reichswehr spotted Röhm's men coming out of the beer hall. They were ambushed while trying to reach the Reichswehr barracks and had to fall back. In the meantime, the Reichswehr officers put the whole garrison on alert and called for reinforcements. Foreign attachés were seized in their hotel rooms and put under house arrest. Early Nazis who participated in the attempt to seize power during the 1923 Putsch  In the early morning, Hitler ordered the seizure of the Munich city council as hostages. He further sent the communications officer of the Kampfbund, Max Neunzert, to enlist the aid of Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria to mediate between Kahr and the putschists. Neunzert failed in the mission.  By midmorning on 9 November, Hitler realized that the putsch was going nowhere. The Putschists did not know what to do and were about to give up. At this moment, Ludendorff cried out, "Wir marschieren!" (We will march!). Röhm's force together with Hitler's (a total of approximately 2000 men) marched out - but with no specific plan of where to go. On the spur of the moment, Ludendorff led them to the Bavarian Defence Ministry. However, at the Odeonsplatz in front of the Feldherrenhalle, they met a force of 130 soldiers blocking the way under the command of State Police Senior Lieutenant Baron Michael von Godin. The two groups exchanged fire, killing four state police officers and 16 Nazis.[22]  This was the origin of the Blutfahne (blood-flag). Hitler and Göring were both injured. A bullet killed Scheubner-Richter.[23] Göring was shot in the groin but escaped. The rest of the Nazis scattered or were arrested. Hitler was arrested two days later.  In a description of Ludendorff's funeral at the Feldherrenhalle in 1937 (which Hitler attended but without speaking) William L. Shirer wrote: "The World War [One] hero [Ludendorff] had refused to have anything to do with him [Hitler] ever since he had fled from in front of the Feldherrnhalle after the volley of bullets during the Beer Hall Putsch." However, when a consignment of papers relating to Landsberg prison (including the visitor book) were later sold at auction, it was noted that Ludendorff had visited Hitler a number of times. The case of the resurfacing papers was reported in Der Spiegel ("The Mirror", German news magazine) on 23 June 2006; the new information (which came out more than 30 years after Shirer wrote his book, and which Shirer did not have access to) nullifies Shirer's statement.[24][25] Counterattack  This section does not cite any references or sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2013)  State Police and Police units were first notified of trouble by three police detectives stationed at the Löwenbräukeller. These reports reached Major Sigmund von Imhoff of the State police. He immediately called all his green police units and had them seize the central telegraph office and the telephone exchange, although his most important act was to notify Major-General Jakob von Danner, the Reichswehr city commandant of Munich. As a staunch aristocrat, Danner loathed the "little corporal" and those "Freikorps bands of rowdies". He also did not much like his commanding officer, Generalleutnant Otto von Lossow, "a sorry figure of a man". He was determined to put down the putsch with or without Lossow. Danner set up a command post at the 19th Infantry Regiment barracks and alerted all military units.  Meanwhile, Captain Karl Wild, learning of the putsch from marchers, mobilized his command to guard Kahr's government building, the Commissariat, with orders to shoot.  Around 11:00 p.m., Major-General von Danner, along with fellow generals Adolf Ritter von Ruith and Friedrich Freiherr Kress von Kressenstein, compelled Lossow to repudiate the putsch.  There was one member of the cabinet who was not at the Bürgerbräukeller: Franz Matt, the vice-premier and minister of education and culture. A staunchly conservative Roman Catholic, he was having dinner with the Archbishop of Munich, Cardinal Michael von Faulhaber and with the Nuncio to Bavaria, Archbishop Eugenio Pacelli (who would later become Pope Pius XII), when he learned of the putsch. He immediately telephoned Kahr. When he found the man vacillating and unsure, Matt decisively began plans to set up a rump government-in-exile in Regensburg and composed a proclamation calling upon all police officers, members of the armed forces, and civil servants to remain loyal to the government. The action of these few men spelled doom for those attempting the putsch.  On Wednesday, 3,000 students from Munich University rioted and marched to the Feldherrnhalle to lay wreaths. They continued to riot until Friday, when they learnt of Hitler's arrest. Kahr and Lossow were called Judases and traitors.[citation needed] Trial and prison Defendants in the Beer Hall Putsch trial. From left to right: Pernet, Weber, Frick, Kiebel, Ludendorff, Hitler, Bruckner, Röhm, and Wagner. Note that only two of the defendants (Hitler and Frick) were wearing civilian clothes  Two days after the putsch, Hitler was arrested and charged with high treason in the special People's Court.[2] Some of his fellow conspirators, including Rudolf Hess, were also arrested, while others, including Hermann Göring and Ernst Hanfstaengl, escaped to Austria.[26] The Nazi Party's headquarters was raided, and its newspaper, the Völkischer Beobachter ("The People's Observer"), was banned. In January 1924, the Emminger Reform, an emergency decree, abolished the jury as trier of fact and replaced it with a mixed system of judges and lay judges in Germany's judiciary, which still exists today.[27][28][29]  This, however, was not the first time Hitler had been in trouble with the law. In an incident in September 1921, he and some men of the SA had disrupted a meeting of the Bayernbund ("Bavaria Union") which a Herr Ballerstedt, a Bavarian federalist, was to have addressed, and the Nazis who had gone there to cause trouble were arrested as a result. Hitler had ended up serving a little over a month of a three-month jail sentence.[citation needed] Judge Georg Neithardt was the presiding judge at both of Hitler's trials.[4]  Hitler's trial began on 26 February 1924 and lasted until 1 April 1924.[5] Lossow acted as chief witness for the prosecution.[20] Hitler moderated his tone for the trial, centering his defense on his selfless devotion to the good of the people and the need for bold action to save them, dropping his usual anti-Semitism.[30] He claimed the putsch had been his sole responsibility, inspiring the title "Führer," or "Leader."[31] The lay judges were fanatically pro-Nazi and had to be dissuaded by the presiding Judge, Georg Neithardt, from acquitting Hitler.[32] Hitler and Hess were both sentenced to five years in Festungshaft (literally fortress confinement) for treason. Festungshaft was the mildest of the three types of jail sentence available in German law at the time; it excluded forced labour, provided reasonably comfortable cells, and allowed the prisoner to receive visitors almost daily for many hours. This was the customary sentence for those whom the judge believed to have had honourable but misguided motives, and it did not carry the stigma of a sentence of Gefängnis or Zuchthaus. In the end, Hitler served only nine months of this sentence before his very early release for good behaviour.[33]  However, Hitler used the trial as an opportunity to spread his ideas. Every word he spoke was reported in the newspapers the next day. The judges were impressed (Presiding Judge Neithardt was inclined to favouritism towards the defendants prior to the trial), and as a result Hitler only served a little over eight months and was fined 500 Reichmarks.[4] Due to his story that he was present by accident, an explanation he had also used in the Kapp Putsch, along with his war service and connections, Ludendorff was acquitted. Both Röhm and Wilhelm Frick, though found guilty, were released. Göring, meanwhile, had fled after suffering bullet wounds to his leg and groin, which led him to become increasingly dependent on morphine and other painkilling drugs. This addiction continued until the end of his life.  One of Hitler's greatest worries at the trial was that he was at risk of being deported back to his native Austria by the Bavarian government. However, Judge Neithardt was very sympathetic towards Hitler and held that the relevant laws of the Weimar Republic could not be applied to a man "who thinks and feels like a German, as Hitler does." The result was that the Nazi leader remained in Germany.[34][note 1]  Though Hitler failed to achieve his immediate stated goal, the putsch did give the Nazis their first exposure to national attention and a propaganda victory.[6] While serving their "fortress confinement" sentences at Landsberg am Lech, Hitler and Rudolf Hess wrote Mein Kampf. Also, the putsch changed Hitler's outlook on violent revolution to effect change. From then on he thought that, in order to win the German heart, he must do everything by the book, strictly legal. Later on, the German people would call him Hitler Legalité or "Hitler the Lawful."[36]  The process of combination, where the conservative-nationalist-monarchist group thought that its members could piggyback onto, and control, the National Socialist movement to garner the seats of power, was to repeat itself 10 years later in 1933 when Franz von Papen would legally ask Hitler to form a coalition government. Fatalities Bavarian police      Friedrich Fink     Nikolaus Hollweg     Max Schobert     Rudolf Schraut  Nazis      Felix Alfarth, merchant, born 5 July 1901 in Leipzig. Alfarth had studied merchandising at the Siemens-Schuckert Works and moved to Munich in 1923 to begin his career.[37]     Andreas Bauriedl, hatter, born 4 May 1879 in Aschaffenburg. Bauriedl was hit in the abdomen, killing him and causing him to fall on the Nazi flag, which had fallen to the ground when its flagbearer, Heinrich Trambauer, was severely wounded. Bauriedl's blood soaked the flag, which later became the Nazi relic known as the Blutfahne.     Theodor Casella, bank clerk, born 8 August 1900.     William Ehrlich, bank clerk, born 8 August 1894.     Martin Faust, bank clerk, born 4 January 1901.     Anton Hechenberger, locksmith, born 28 September 1902.     Oskar Körner, businessman, born 4 January 1875 in Ober-Peilau     Karl Kuhn, head waiter in a restaurant, born 7 July 1875.     Karl Laforce, engineering student, born 28 October 1904; the youngest to die in the putsch.     Kurt Neubauer, valet, born 27 March 1899 in Hopfengarten, Kreis Bernberg.     Klaus von Pape, business man, born 16 August 1904 in Oschatz.     Theodor von der Pfordten, county court counsel, who had fought in World War I; born 14 May 1873 in Bayreuth; the eldest to die in the putsch.     Johann "Hans" Rickmers, retired cavalry captain who had fought in World War I; born 7 May 1881 in Bremen.     Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter, Nazi leader, born 21 January 1884 in Riga.     Lorenz Ritter von Stransky, engineer, born 14 March 1889. He was a schizophrenic.[citation needed]     Wilhelm Wolf, businessman, born 19 October 1898.  Scheubner-Richter was walking arm-in-arm with Hitler during the putsch; he was shot in the lungs and died instantly.[38] He brought Hitler down and dislocated Hitler's shoulder when he fell. He was the only first-tier Nazi leader to die during the Putsch. Of all the party members who died in the Putsch, Hitler claimed Scheubner-Richter to be the only "irreplaceable loss".[39]  According to Ernst Röhm, Martin Faust and Theodor Casella, both members of the armed militia organisation Reichskriegsflagge, were shot down accidentally in a burst of machine gun fire during the occupation of the War Ministry as the result of a misunderstanding with II/Inf.Regt 19.[40] Martyrdom One of the Munich Ehrentempels (Honour Temples), 1936  The 16 fallen were regarded as the first "blood martyrs" of the NSDAP and were remembered by Hitler in the foreword of Mein Kampf. The Nazi flag they carried, which in the course of events had been stained with blood, came to be known as the Blutfahne (blood flag) and was brought out for the swearing-in of new recruits in front of the Feldherrnhalle when Hitler was in power.  Shortly after he came to power, a memorial was placed at the south side of the Feldherrnhalle crowned with a swastika. The back of the memorial read Und ihr habt doch gesiegt! (And you triumphed nevertheless!). Behind it flowers were laid, and either policemen or the SS stood guard in between a lower plaque. Passers-by were required to give the Hitler salute. The putsch was also commemorated on three sets of stamps. Mein Kampf was dedicated to the fallen and, in the book Ich Kämpfe (given to those joining the party circa 1943), they are listed first even though the book lists hundreds of other dead. The header text in the book read "Though they are dead for their acts they will live on forever." The army had a division named the Feldherrnhalle regiment, and there was also an SA Feldherrnhalle division.  "Der Neunte Elfte" (the "Ninth of the Eleventh") became one of the most important dates on the Nazi calendar, especially following the seizure of power in 1933. Annually until the fall of Nazi Germany, the putsch would be commemorated nationwide, with the major events taking place in Munich. On the night of 8 November, Hitler would address the Alte Kämpfer (Old Fighters) in the Burgerbraukeller (after 1939, the Löwenbräu, in 1944, the Circus Krone Building), followed the next day by a re-enactment of the march through the streets of Munich. The event would climax with a ceremony recalling the 16 dead marchers on the Königsplatz.  The anniversary could be a time of tension in Nazi Germany. The ceremony was cancelled in 1934, coming as it did after the so-called Night of the Long Knives. In 1938, it coincided with the Kristallnacht, and in 1939 with the attempted assassination of Hitler by Georg Elser. With the outbreak of war in 1939, security concerns caused the re-enactment of the march to be suspended, never to be resumed. However, Hitler continued to deliver his 8 November speech through 1943. In 1944, Hitler skipped the event and Heinrich Himmler spoke in his place. As the war went on, residents of Munich came increasingly to dread the approach of the anniversary, concerned that the presence of the top Nazi leaders in their city would act as a magnet for Allied bombers.  Every Gau (administrative region of Germany) was also expected to hold a small remembrance ceremony. As material given to propagandists said, the 16 fallen were the first losses and the ceremony was an occasion to commemorate everyone who had died for the movement.[41]  On 9 November 1935, the dead were taken from their graves and to the Feldherrnhalle. The SA and SS carried them down to the Königplatz, where two Ehrentempel (Honour Temples) had been constructed. In each of the structures eight of the martyrs were interred in a sarcophagus bearing their name. Plaque commemorating policemen  In June 1945 the Allied Control Commission removed the bodies from the Ehrentempels and contacted their families. They were given the option of having their loved ones buried in Munich cemeteries in unmarked graves or having them cremated, common practice in Germany for unclaimed bodies. On 9 January 1947, the upper parts of the structures were blown up.  Since 1994, a commemorative plaque in the pavement in front of the Feldherrenhalle contains the names of the four Bavarian policemen who died in the fight against the Nazis. The plaque reads: “  Den Mitgliedern der Bayerischen Landespolizei, die beim Einsatz gegen die Nationalsozialistischen Putschisten am 9.11.1923 Ihr Leben liessen. ("To the members of the Bavarian Police, who gave their lives opposing the National Socialist coup on 9 November 1923")  ” Supporters of the Putsch Key supporters      Rudolf Hess     Hermann Göring     Alfred Rosenberg     Erich Ludendorff     Hermann Kriebel     Friedrich Weber     Ernst Röhm         Max Scheubner-Richter     Ulrich Graf     Julius Streicher     Hermann Esser     Ernst Hanfstaengl     Gottfried Feder     Josef Berchtold         Ernst Pöhner     Emil Maurice     Max Amann     Heinz Pernet     Wilhelm Brückner     Lt. Robert Wagner     Adolf Hitler  Other notable supporters      Heinrich Himmler     Edmund Heines     Gerhard Rossbach     Hans Frank     Julius Schaub     Walter Hewel     Dietrich Eckart     Wilhelm Frick     Julius Schreck     Josef 'Sepp' Dietrich     Philipp Bouhler     Franz Pfeffer von Salomon         Adolf Lenk     Gregor Strasser     Hans Kallenbach     Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg     Adolf Wagner     Jakob Grimminger     Heinrich Trambauer     Karl Beggel     Rudolf Jung     Rudolf Buttmann     Albrecht von Graefe     Hans Ulrich Klintzsche         Heinrich Hoffmann     Josef Gerum     Capt. Eduard Dietl     Hans Georg Hofmann     Matthaeus Hofmann     Helmut Klotz     Adolf Hühnlein     Max Neunzert     Michael Ried     Karl Fischer von Treuenfeld     Theodor Oberländer     Eleonore Baur  At the front of the march  In the vanguard were four flag bearers followed by Adolf Lenk and Kurt Neubauer, Ludendorff's servant. Behind those two came more flag bearers, then the leadership in two rows.  Hitler was in the centre, slouch hat in hand, the collar of his trenchcoat turned up against the cold. To his left, in civilian clothes, a green felt hat, and a loose loden coat, was Ludendorff. To Hitler's right was Scheubner-Richter. To his right came Alfred Rosenberg. On either side of these men were Ulrich Graf, Hermann Kriebel, Friedrich Weber, Julius Streicher, Hermann Göring, and Wilhelm Brückner.  Behind these came the second string of Heinz Pernet, Johann Aigner (Scheubner-Richter's servant), Gottfried Feder, Theodor von der Pfordten, Wilhelm Kolb, Rolf Reiner, Hans Streck, and Heinrich Bennecke, Brückner's adjutant.  Behind this row marched the Stosstrupp, the SA, the Infantry School, and the Oberländer.
Andreas Bauriedl, relocated after the war from his sarcophagus in an ehrentempel on Königsplatz. Note the date of death- apparently it was his blood that had 'consecrated' the blutfahne.
The Nazis invested the concept of the "blood flag" with a decidedly emotional colouration. "Blood flag" was their name for the swastika flag that had allegedly been drenched with the blood of Andreas Bauriedl who had carried it on 9 November 1923 dur­ing the legendary march to the Feldherrnhalle, at the time of the Hitler Putsch. At the second Nazi Party congress in Weimar on 4 July 1926, Hitler "bestowed" the flag of this "blood witness" on the then Reichsführer of the ϟϟ, Berchtold.
Hoffmann worked in his father's photographic shop and as a photographer in Munich from 1908.[1] He joined the NSDAP on 6 April 1920.[1] After Hitler took over the party in 1921, he named Hoffmann as his official photographer, a post he held for over a quarter-century. A photograph taken by Hoffmann in Munich's Odeonsplatz on 2 August 1914 shows a young Hitler among the crowds cheering the outbreak of World War I and was used in Nazi propaganda; its authenticity has been questioned.[2] Hitler and Hoffmann became close friends—in fact, when Hitler became the ruler of Germany, Hoffmann was the only man authorized to take official photographs of him.[1] Hoffmann's photographs were published as postage stamps, postcards, posters and picture books. Following Hoffmann's suggestion, both he and Hitler received royalties from all uses of Hitler's image (even on postage stamps), which made Hoffmann a millionaire. In 1933 he was elected to the Reichstag and in 1938 Hitler appointed him a 'Professor'.[1] Family  Hoffmann married Therese "Lelly" Baumann, who was very fond of Hitler,[3] in 1911. Their daughter Henriette ("Henny") was born on 3 February 1913 and followed by a son, Heinrich ("Heini") on 24 October 1916. Henriette married Reichsjugendführer (National Hitler Youth commander) Baldur von Schirach, who provided introductions to many of Hoffmann's picture books, in 1932. Therese Hoffmann died a sudden and unexpected death in 1928. In the autumn of 1929, Hoffmann and his second wife Erna introduced his Munich studio assistant Eva Braun to Hitler.[4] Braun later became Hitler's mistress and ultimately, his wife on 29 April 1945 and partner in suicide the following day.[5] Youth around Hitler, a Hoffmann picture book Publications  During the Third Reich Hoffmann wrote many books on Hitler such as The Hitler Nobody Knows (1933) and Jugend um Hitler (1934). In 1938 Hoffmann wrote three books, Hitler in Italy, Hitler befreit Sudetenland and Hitler in seiner Heimat. His last book, Das Antlitz des Führers, was written shortly before the outbreak of the Second World War. Later life  Hoffmann was arrested by the Americans on 10 May 1945 and after the war he was tried and sentenced to four years for Nazi profiteering.[1] Upon release from prison on 31 May 1950, he settled in the small village of Epfach in the Munich area, where he died 7 years later at age 72. His widow, Erna, continued to live there together with the former silent-movie star Wera Engels. Photographic archive  A large archive of his photographs was seized by the United States Government during the Allied occupation of Germany. These are now held by the National Archives and Records Administration and comprise an important source of images for scholars of the Third Reich. These photographs are considered to be in the public domain in the US owing to their status as seized Nazi property (otherwise their copyrights would not yet have expired).[6]  There is also an archive called the 'Bildarchiv Hoffmann', at the Bavarian State Library (or Bayerische Staatsbibliothek) in Munich, Germany.[7] Secret photos of Adolf Hitler Adolf Hitler rehearsing poses for his speeches in photos reportedly taken in 1927.  A total of nine photographs taken by Hoffman reveal how Adolf Hitler rehearsed poses and his hand gestures for his public speeches. He used to ask Hoffmann to take pictures of these so he could see what he would look like to the German people during his public speaking appearances, which he used to his advantage to emphasise his notion of a "great national revival" of Germany. Egon Hanfstaengl, son of Hitler's one-time foreign press officer Ernst "Putzi" Hanfstaengl, said in a documentary, Fatal Attraction Of Hitler: "He had that ability which is needed to make people stop thinking critically and just emote."
The grave of Hitler's official photographer, Heinrich Hoffmann. The stone refers to him as "Professor", the title given him by Hitler in 1938. It was Hoffmann and his second wife Erna who introduced Hitler to Eva Braun, his studio assistant at the time.
Also buried here is his daughter Henriette who had married Reichsjugendführer Baldur von Schirach. Irving in Hitler's War records the following exchange between her and Hitler at the Berghof:
A few days after Himmler’s visit, Baldur von Schirach and his pretty wife Henriette were in Hitler’s house party. They joined the fireside circle, slumped in the deep armchairs in the semi-darkness. While Hitler sipped his special tea and the others their wine or cognac, Henriette exclaimed that she had just witnessed at Amsterdam the loading of Jews into open trucks for deportation.
‘Do you know about it?’ she asked. ‘Do you permit it?’
Hitler retorted, ‘They are being driven off to work, so you needn’t pity them. Meantime our soldiers are fighting and dying on the battlefields!’ Later he added, ‘Let me tell you something. This is a set of scales’ – and he put up a hand on each side like the pans. – ‘Germany has lost half a million of her finest manhood on the battlefield. Am I to preserve and minister to these others? I want something of our race to survive a thousand years from now.’ He reproached her: ‘You must learn how to hate!’
The Schirachs were still there the next evening, June 24, when Goebbels wickedly brought the fireside conversation around to Vienna. Until after four a.m. Hitler drew savage comparisons between Schirach’s Viennese and Goebbels’s Berliners until tears welled up in Henriette’s eyes: the Berliners, he said, were hard-working, intelligent, and politically shrewd. Goebbels wrote, ‘Frau von Schirach in particular acted like a silly cow . . . and later summed up her unhappiness by saying that she wanted to go back to Munich with her husband and would the Führer send [Gauleiter] Giesler to Vienna instead.’‘Tell me,’ Hitler challenged her,‘is your husband our Reich representative in Vienna – or is he Vienna’s man in the Reich?’ The Schirachs departed in a huff the same night, and never saw Hitler again.
Fest in The Face Of The Third Reich writes that it was
[f]rom this point on he found himself isolated, and if his subsequent statement that he had expected to be arrested and charged before the People’s Court was probably simply self-dramatization, it is nevertheless true, as he claimed, that after the controversy at the Berghof he was ‘politically a dead man’. He retired into the background, partly out of personal fear and also no doubt out of the embarrassment of a man who saw his romantic ideals and fantasies of self-sacrifice, heroism and marble monuments contradicted by the reality of the war, even if he refrained from putting it into words, ‘in order to maintain a foolish dream a little while longer’
The grave of ϟϟ-Obersturmbannführer Max Wünsche, the legendary German Waffen-ϟϟ Obersturmbannführer who was awarded the Knight's Cross with Oak Leaves. He held the position of ϟϟ Standartenführer and served as Hitler’s adjutant. Irving acknowledged the importance of his diary entries to his research from June 16 to Nov 20, 1938 listing the Hitler’s appointments and decisions.
Wünsche joined the Hitler Youth Movement in November 1932 and in July 1933 joined the SS. He was deemed to have officer qualities and Wünsche graduated from officer training in 1936. He took part in the attack on the Netherlands and France in 1940. In December 1940, Wünsche was made adjutant to Sepp Dietrich and took part in ‘Operation Barbarossa’ – the attack on the Soviet Union in 1941. In June 1942, Wünsche returned to Germany to study at the Staff College. He successfully completed this course and was promoted to Sturmbannführer. In February 1943 Wünsche was awarded the German Cross in Gold and the Knight’s Cross, for bravery shown during the Russian campaign. In June 1943, Wünsche transferred to France to take command of the 12th ϟϟ Panzer Regiment. This regiment played an active part in trying to repel the Allied landings in Normandy on D-Day and in the weeks after June 6th 1944. For his work Wünsche was awarded oak leaves to his Knight’s Cross. The 12th ϟϟ Panzer Regiment was trapped in the Falaise Pocket in August 1944. Wünsche tried to escape on foot but was wounded in the calf and captured. Wünsche was held as a POW at Camp 165 in Caithness, the most northerly POW camp on mainland Britain. Compound O within Camp 165 was where hard line Nazis were kept – away from other POW’s – and Wünsche was considered to be a hard line Nazi. He was released in 1948 and returned to Germany. He worked at an industrial plant until his retirement in 1980. 
Wünsche is the subject of a figure produced in China.

After the Serbian uprising of July 1941, General Hermann Bohme was given emergency powers to govern the country. He commanded 370th Infantry Division when he was captured by the Soviets in 1944 near Sevastopol.
 
He has given his name to the Hermann-Boehme-Schule in Altenburg, Thuringia
Gustav Ritter von Kahr (November 29, 1862 – June 30, 1934) was a German right-wing politician, active in the state of Bavaria. He was instrumental in the collapse and suppression of Adolf Hitler's Beer Hall Putsch in 1923, and for those actions was brutally murdered more than ten years later in the Night of the Long Knives.  Contents      1 Life     2 Notes     3 References     4 Bibliography     5 External links  Life  Born in Weißenburg in Bayern, Kahr studied law and worked as a lawyer before entering politics. Politically, he was a monarchist and had links to the Catholic BVP, though he was a Protestant and never joined any party. In 1917, he became head of the provincial government of Upper Bavaria, but lost this post in the German Revolution of 1918. However, the revolution was short-lived and order was restored.  After March 14, 1920, Kahr succeeded Johannes Hoffmann as Prime minister of Bavaria. Kahr came into office under military influences as a secondary result of the Kapp Putsch of March 13 in Berlin. The most powerful party in Bavaria, the Bavarian Volkspartei, was then in a state of much anxiety as a result of the experiences of Bolshevism, chaos, and violence through which Munich had passed in the spring of 1919. The ministry presided over by the socialist Hoffmann had succeeded in quelling Bolshevism with the aid of Republican troops from Prussia and Württemberg, but the great majority of the Bavarian Catholic Volkspartei, as well as liberals of various shades, not to speak of the monarchists and reactionaries, wanted further guarantees against a recurrence of the Bolshevist terror.[1]  The Kapp Putsch in Berlin gave the signal for political action in Munich, and at a midnight sitting the Bavarian socialist ministry was somewhat unceremoniously hustled out of office — it is alleged under military pressure — and a coalition cabinet under Kahr installed. The coalition included reactionaries whose influence became more and more predominant. They were backed up by formerly liberal Bavarian journals which had been bought up by Prussian industrialists.[1] Gustav von Kahr (left) and Erich Ludendorff (center), 1921  Kahr's administration was essential in turning Bavaria into a "Ordnungszelle" (cell of order), giving room for all kinds of right-wing groups. He also supported separatist forces that aimed at Bavarian secession from Germany, but after the German government passed a decree for the protection of the Republic against right-wing extremists, Kahr resigned on 1 September 1921.  In September 1923, following a period of turmoil with assassinations and political violence, Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling declared martial law and appointed Kahr, who had returned to his provincial post, as Staatskomissar (state commissioner) with dictatorial powers. Together with Bavarian State Police head Colonel Hans Ritter von Seisser, and Reichswehr General Otto von Lossow, he formed a triumvirate.  That year, many revolutionary groups wanted to emulate Mussolini's "March on Rome" with a "March on Berlin." Among these were the wartime General Erich Ludendorff and also the Nazi (NSDAP) group, led by Adolf Hitler. Hitler decided to use Ludendorff as a figurehead in an attempt to seize power in what was later known as the "Hitler Putsch" or Beer Hall Putsch. Hitler and Ludendorff sought support of Kahr and his triumvirate. However, Kahr had his own plan with Seisser (Seißer) and Lossow to install a nationalist dictatorship without Hitler.[2] Kahr warned the "patriotic associations" against independent action.[3] Despite his misgiving with Hitler's tactics, Kahr was every bit a right-wing patriot who stood against the Weimar government and believed action against those in Berlin was warranted. Akin to the later and infamous rhetoric of Hitler, Kahr remarked to an assembly of high-ranking officers on October 19, 1923 that the real matter at hand was "a great battle of two worldviews which will decide the destiny of the German people - the international Marxist-Jewish and the national Germanic."[4] Along this line, Kahr was not unlike many conservative Germans and his identification of perceived foreign threats is a defining feature of post 1918 German ideology; against which, it was widely believed, Germans had to make a stand.[5] Accordingly, Kahr and his right-wing compatriots wanted to challenge the seeming cowardice of the extant government of Germany and eventually seize control since he found the Weimar Constitution and the its leadership decidedly un-German in disposition.[6]  Weighing on Kahr's mind however, were injunctions from Berlin against reactionary activities. All the rage amid right-wing groups in Bavaria against the resumption of war-reparation payments did not temper the determination of the government in Berlin. The Weimar leadership's staunch warnings against revolutionary activities included military intervention if necessary. Troops under the command of General von Seeckt (who ironically was previously identified among the right-wing circles as a possible choice for dictator) were poised and positioned for action. Stern warnings were reiterated by General von Seeckt, prompting the triumvirate of Kahr, Lossow, and Seisser to lose heart, at which point they informed the members of Kampfbund, (which was headed by Hitler) that they would determine when precipitate action would be taken. This did not sit well with Hitler.[7]  Hitler was determined to act before the appeal of his agitation waned.[8] So on November 8, 1923, Hitler and the SA stormed a public meeting of 3,000 people that had been organized by Kahr in the Bürgerbräukeller, a large beer hall in Munich. Hitler interrupted Kahr's speech and announced that the national revolution had begun, declaring the formation of a new government with Ludendorff. While waving his gun around, Hitler demanded the support of Kahr, Seisser, and Lossow.[9] Hitler's forces initially succeeded at occupying the local Reichswehr and police headquarters; however, neither the army nor the state police joined forces with Hitler.[10] Kahr, Seisser, and Lossow were briefly detained but then released. The three quickly fled to join the opposition to Hitler.[11] During the night, and unknown to Hitler, they prepared the resistance against the coup. The following day, Hitler and his followers marched from the beer hall to the Bavarian War Ministry to overthrow the Bavarian government on their "March on Berlin", but the police dispersed them.[12] Sixteen NSDAP members and four police officers were killed in the failed coup.[13]  Kahr's involvement in the collapse of Hitler's putsch cost him the support of right-wing nationalist forces in Bavaria; and after Hitler's trial revealed his administration's involvement in the preparations of the coup, he was forced to resign from his post as Staatskommissar in February 1924. After this, Kahr served as President of the Bavarian law court for reviewing administrative acts and then, having sunk into relative obscurity, retired from public service three years later.  On June 30, 1934, during what became known as the Night of the Long Knives, Kahr was killed by Hitler's forces for his "treason" during the Beer Hall Putsch. He was abducted in Munich and murdered – hacked to death with axes by SS members – and his body thrown into a swamp near Dachau.[14] His family was forbidden to wear mourning clothes.
After the bloody end of the Räterepublik Munich became a centre of opposition to the young democratic state. An important figure for the extreme Right was Gustav von Kahr, who was elected Bavarian prime minister as the candidate of the Bavarian People’s Party in 1920. His aim was to make Bavaria an authoritarian “cell of order” and an antithesis to Berlin. This provided an ideal operating environment for a broad spectrum of nationalist, anti-democratic and reactionary forces.

Kahr met Hitler just before relinquishing office. With like-minded contemporaries, he deemed Hitler the drummer for Germany’s national revival and hoped that Bavaria’s many Wehrverbaende might unite behind the Nazi leader. On 26 September 1923, with Berlin enmeshed in crisis, Bavarian Prime Minister Eugen von Knilling appointed Kahr to the semi-dictatorial post of General State Commissioner. In succeeding weeks Kahr, who desired an authoritarian state, toyed with the idea of a march on Berlin. But by the evening of 8 November, the occasion of Hitler’s putsch, he had abandoned his plan as unworkable (he may have intended proposing a Wittelsbach restoration). Hitler’s unexpected action split Bavaria’s nationalists and doomed Kahr’s political future. His ambivalence to the putsch led friend and foe alike to use him as a scapegoat.
Gustav von Kahr, long in retirement, had moved far from the political arena in his native state. He lived in Munich, maintaining a low political profile, and was no longer in any position to do any damage to Hitler or his movement. But over a decade earlier he had caused, with help, the failure of the Hitler putsch. Although the Hitlerian coup of 1923 might well have fallen short without Kahr’s intervention, he was dragged from his home under arrest by the ϟϟ. His body was found later, hacked to pieces, in the hills near Dachau.
Emil Maurice (* 19. Januar 1897 in Westermoor; † 6. Februar 1972 in München) war Chauffeur, Duzfreund und früher politischer Begleiter Adolf Hitlers. Wegen seiner engen Verbundenheit mit Hitler wurde Maurice trotz seiner jüdischen Herkunft in der Umgebung des Reichskanzlers und „Führers“ geduldet. Als Heinrich Himmler Maurice aufgrund seiner jüdischen Herkunft beseitigen lassen wollte, schützte Hitler seinen Fahrer, und Maurice wurde ehrenhalber zum „Arier” ernannt.[1]  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Leben     2 Literatur     3 Weblinks     4 Einzelnachweise  Leben  Nach der Realschule und anschließender Uhrmacherlehre diente Maurice zwischen 1917 und 1919 im bayrischen Heer, nahm am Ersten Weltkrieg jedoch nicht aktiv teil.  Ende 1919 trat er als Mitglied mit der Nr. 39 in die DAP ein und wurde von Anton Drexler zur Beseitigung der Räterepublik in München eingesetzt. 1921 war er Teilnehmer am Kampf um Oberschlesien. Auch war er Mitglied des „Stoßtrupps Adolf Hitler“ und auch einer der ersten SA-Anhänger. Bei Gründung der aus dem Saalordnungsdienst hervorgegangenen SS erhielt Maurice die SS-Nummer 2 verliehen und brachte es mit Unterbrechungen zum Rang eines SS-Oberführers, der ihm am 30. Januar 1939[2] ehrenhalber verliehen wurde.  Im November 1923 nahm Maurice am Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch teil. Daraufhin wurde er 1924 wie Hitler in der Justizvollzugsanstalt Landsberg inhaftiert. Die in der Literatur und Presse häufig auftauchende Behauptung, Hitler habe Maurice während der gemeinsamen Haftzeit Teile seines Buches Mein Kampf diktiert, ist nach den Ergebnissen der neueren Forschung mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit unzutreffend.[3]  Ab 1925 fungierte Maurice erneut zeitweise als Leibwächter und persönlicher Begleiter Hitlers.  Als Hitlers Nichte Geli Raubal am 18. September 1931 Suizid beging, wurde Maurice in Parteikreisen verdächtigt, eine Liebesbeziehung mit ihr unterhalten zu haben. Einem Gerücht zufolge solle Raubal von ihm schwanger gewesen sein. Ein weiterer Kritikpunkt war, dass er einen jüdischen Urgroßvater hatte, den Gründer des Thalia-Theaters Chéri Maurice (1805–1896).  1933 wurde Maurice in Anerkennung seiner früheren Verdienste zum Ratsherr im Münchner Stadtrat ernannt und mit dem Blutorden und dem Goldenen Parteiabzeichen der NSDAP (Mitgliedsnr. 39) ausgezeichnet.  Besonders in der frühen Literatur zum sogenannten Röhm-Putsch findet sich häufig die Behauptung, Maurice habe Hitler am 30. Juni 1934 nach Bad Wiessee begleitet und sich dort an der Verhaftung von Ernst Röhm und anderen hohen SA-Führern in der Pension Hanselbauer beteiligt. In diesem Zusammenhang tauchte auch wiederholt die unzutreffende Angabe auf, Maurice habe den SA-Obergruppenführer Edmund Heines in seinem Schlafzimmer in der Pension, im Keller des Gebäudes oder außerhalb desselben erschossen. Tatsächlich wurde Heines am Nachmittag des 30. Juni von einem SS-Kommando im Gefängnis Stadelheim erschossen. Ob Maurice Hitler nach Wiessee begleitete, ist nicht eindeutig geklärt, es gilt jedoch als unwahrscheinlich. Er selbst sagte über den 30. Juni aus:      „In der Nacht vom 29./30. wurde ich gegen 1.30 Uhr von Christian Weber fernmündlich angerufen, ich soll mit ihm zu einem Empfang des Führers mit zum Flughafen Oberwiesenfeld kommen. Ich begab mich hierauf zur Residenz und ging zu Weber. Von hier fuhr ich mit Weber zum Flughafen […] wenn ich nicht irre war Gauleiter Wagner schon dort anwesend. Auf dem Flughafen waren noch verschiedene Wehrmachtsoffiziere. Weber hatte mir noch in seiner Wohnung erklärt, daß Röhm einen Putsch gegen Hitler oder ähnliches machen will. Mir war die Sache damals nicht ganz klar. Auf dem Flughafengelände mussten wir auf Hitler sehr lange warten. Viele Personen waren zum Empfang nicht anwesend. Gegen 4.30 Uhr oder auch später ist dann Hitler eingetroffen. Hitler hat sich auf dem Flugplatz noch lange mit den Offizieren der Wehrmacht unterhalten – ging dabei weit weg von anderen Personen. Lutze ist mit Hitler angekommen. […] Weber ist dann mit Hitler [nach Bad Wiessee] weggefahren. Ich sollte überall in der Stadt herumfahren und den SA-Führern sagen, daß Hitler sie um 12 Uhr im Braunen Haus zu sehen wünsche.[4]“  Seit 1936 Ministerialdirektor, wurde Maurice am 1. April 1937 Präsident der Handwerkskammer München. Ab 29. März 1936 gehörte er dem nationalsozialistischen Reichstag an.  1948 verurteilte ihn eine Spruchkammer zu vier Jahren Arbeitslager und dem Einzug von 30 Prozent seines Vermögens. Seine Strafe musste Maurice nicht vollständig verbüßen.
The grave of Emil Maurice, Hitler's chauffeur and first Supreme SA Leader before becoming ϟϟ Oberführer.
Maurice with Hitler in Landsberg in 1924. Bullock (121) describes Emil Maurice "partly as Hitler's batman, partly as his secretary, a job which he later relinquished to Rudolf Hess, who had voluntarily returned from Austria to share his leader's imprisonment." According to Shirer, "[b]efore the arrival of Hess, Emil Maurice, an ex-convict, a watchmaker and the first commander of the Nazi ”strong-arm” squads, took some preliminary dictation."




One of the often made and inaccurate generalizations about this early Nazi Party was that what was to become the stormtroopers was built out of men drawn from war veterans like those found in many of the Free Corps. In fact, the Nazis would have preferred men from the trenches, but most of these became involved in earlier developing paramilitary groups. Instead, the initial defence formations of the Nazi Party appear to have been constructed of “loud young students” and elements drawn from other radicalised youth. It was out of material like this that Emil Maurice, former member of the paramilitary Bund Oberland, built the initial small groups of monitor troops. In November of 1920, a “Sport Section” or SA was built out of hall guards. It is difficult to tell when the term “Sturmabteilung” (“Storm Detachment”) was first used to describe the organization formed in late 1920. “Stormtrooper” was clearly in common use by mid–1921. The Nazi SA was at some point renamed (from “Sport Detachment” to “Storm Detachment”) after the party leaders had become assured that the authorities would not respond negatively to a more aggressive sounding name. Perhaps it was because the initials “SA” for “Security Section” were already in common use on the Left. The SPD had established SAs in Munich and Coburg by 1921.
Otis C. Mitchell (52)
According to Bullock (393) Hitler "was beside himself with fury when he discovered that she had allowed Emil Maurice, his chauffeur, to make love to her, and forbade her to have anything to do with any" other man." Goebbels’s diary for Oct 19, 1928 records: ‘Kaufmann . . . tells me crazy things about the Chief, his niece Geli, and Maurice . . . I understand everything, true and untrue.’ Heiden claims that the murder gang that killed Father Bernhard Stempfle of the Hieronymite Order who, "helped edit Mein Kampf and later talked too much, perhaps, about his knowledge of why Hitler’s love, Geli Raubal, committed suicide" and was found in the forest of Harlaching near Munich with his neck broken and three shots to the hear was led by Maurice during the Night of the Long Knives.
Incredibly given his supposed affair with Hitler's niece Hitler stood by and protected him even after his Jewish ancestry had been discovered by Himmler. All ϟϟ officers had to prove racial purity back to 1750, and it turned out that Maurice had Jewish ancestry. Himmler, who had always been jealous of Hitler's close friends from the early days of the Party, and especially of the lack of control he had over Hitler's inner bodyguards, was delighted and recommended that Maurice be expelled from the ϟϟ, along with other members of his family. To Himmler's annoyance however, the Führer stood by his old friend. In a secret letter written on the August 31, 1935, Hitler compelled Himmler to make an exception for Maurice and his brothers, who were allowed to stay in the ϟϟ.
Gertraud „Traudl“ Junge (* 16. März 1920 in München als Gertraud Humps; † 11. Februar 2002 ebenda) war von 1942 bis 1945 neben Gerda Christian, Christa Schroeder und Johanna Wolf eine der vier Sekretärinnen Adolf Hitlers.  Mit der Journalistin Melissa Müller gab Junge im Jahre 2002 kurz vor ihrem Tod das schon 1947 abgefasste, aber damals nicht verlegte Buch Bis zur letzten Stunde − Hitlers Sekretärin erzählt ihr Leben heraus. Es diente als eine der Grundlagen für den Spielfilm Der Untergang (2004), in dem auch sie selbst als Sekretärin dargestellt wird. In Interviewform wurde bereits zuvor von André Heller und Othmar Schmiderer der Dokumentarfilm Im toten Winkel – Hitlers Sekretärin (2002) aufgezeichnet.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Jugend     2 Hitlers Privatsekretärin     3 Nach dem Krieg     4 Literatur     5 DVD     6 Weblinks     7 Einzelnachweise  Jugend  Traudl Junge wurde als erstes Kind des Bierbraumeisters Max Humps und der Generalstochter Hildegard Humps (geb. Zottmann) geboren. Ihr folgte ihre Schwester Inge Kaye (geb. Humps, 1923–2008).  Max Humps wurde früh arbeitslos und trat bald dem Freikorps Oberland bei, einem politisch rechtsextremen Verband, der gemeinsam mit anderen gegen die Weimarer Republik kämpfte und später verboten wurde. Als Traudl fünf Jahre alt war, verließ der Vater seine Familie und siedelte in die Türkei über, wo er wieder in seinem Beruf arbeiten konnte. Die Mutter Hildegard weigerte sich nachzuziehen und forderte die Scheidung.  Traudl Humps und ihre Familie wohnten fortan bei General Maximilian Zottmann (1852–1942), dem Vater von Mutter Humps. Diesen schilderte Traudl Humps später als pedantisch, disziplin- und ordnungsliebend. 1933 entdeckte die junge Traudl ihre Leidenschaft für das Tanzen. Sie begann, gemeinsam mit ihrer Schwester von einer Karriere als Tänzerin zu träumen. Die wirtschaftliche Realität ihrer Familie verhinderte diese jedoch. 1936 beendete sie ihre Schule vorzeitig mit der Mittleren Reife. Widerwillig besuchte sie ein Jahr die Handelsschule mit der Aussicht auf eine Anstellung als Sekretärin. Es folgten verschiedene Beschäftigungen als Kontoristin, als Assistentin des Chefredakteurs einer Zeitschrift für das Schneiderhandwerk und als Sekretärin in einem Betrieb. Hitlers Privatsekretärin  1942 zog Traudl Humps nach Berlin und bekam über ihre Schwester, die als Tänzerin „Inge Zohmann“ am Deutschen Theater Berlin engagiert war, mit Hilfe von Albert Bormann eine Anstellung in der Reichskanzlei Adolf Hitlers. Zuerst sortierte sie die Post des Diktators. Dann fand ein interner Sekretärinnen-Wettbewerb statt. Sie träumte immer noch davon, Tänzerin zu werden, und war an einer dauerhaften Stelle als Sekretärin nicht interessiert. Als der „Führer“ eine neue Privatsekretärin suchte, da seine erfahrene Gerda Christian für längere Zeit in Urlaub ging, war Humps nicht nervös und machte im Diktat die wenigsten Fehler. So wurde sie zusammen mit einer kleinen Gruppe anderer junger Kolleginnen per Zug in das Führerhauptquartier Wolfsschanze geschickt, wo sich Hitler zu diesem Zeitpunkt aufhielt, und erhielt nach einer Tauglichkeitsprüfung – für sie überraschend – im Dezember 1942 die Stelle.  Humps lebte und arbeitete in Berlin, im Berghof in Berchtesgaden und in der Wolfsschanze in Ostpreußen. Mit Johanna Wolf, Christa Schroeder und Gerda Christian bildete sie das Quartett der sogenannten Führersekretärinnen. In den Kriegsjahren, als Hitlers Aversion gegen Militärs immer größer wurde, pflegte er nur noch mit den Sekretärinnen zu speisen, wodurch diese intime Einblicke in sein Privatleben, seine Gedankenwelt und seine Vergangenheit erhielten. Humps und die anderen mussten sich auch an Hitlers Tagesablauf gewöhnen: spät aufstehen, zu Mittag essen, ausruhen, Kaffee, ausruhen, spätes Abendessen, Filmvorführungen, endlose nächtliche Teestunden, spät ins Bett gehen (ca. 5 Uhr morgens). Am 19. Juni 1943 heirateten Traudl Humps und Hans-Hermann Junge, Offizier der Waffen-SS aus Preetz in Holstein, in München. Ihr Mann fiel am 13. August 1944 in der Normandie.  Anfang 1945 zog Traudl Junge mit den anderen Mitgliedern der persönlichen Adjutantur des Führers in den Führerbunker unter der Reichskanzlei, wo sie die letzten Wochen Hitlers aus nächster Nähe miterlebte. In der Nacht vom 20. auf den 21. April wollte Hitler die verbliebenen Frauen aus dem Bunker entfernen und zum Berghof nach Berchtesgaden bringen lassen, darunter auch die Sekretärinnen. Es erklärten sich jedoch nur Johanna Wolf und Christa Schroeder dazu bereit, Traudl Junge, Gerda Christian, Hitlers Diätköchin Constanze Manziarly, Bormanns Sekretärin Else Krüger und Eva Braun blieben. Am Abend des 28. April wohnte sie der Eheschließung Hitlers mit Eva Braun bei, unmittelbar danach diktierte ihr Hitler sein politisches und privates Testament. Als am 30. April gegen 15:30 Uhr der tödliche Schuss fiel (Eva Braun nahm Gift, Hitler erschoss sich nach der Einnahme des Gifts noch zusätzlich), saß Traudl Junge in einem Nebenzimmer und aß mit den Goebbels-Kindern.  Nach dem Selbstmord Adolf Hitlers floh Junge aus der Reichskanzlei im zerstörten Berlin und lebte zunächst unter dem Pseudonym Gerda Alt. Sie wurde von den Alliierten – auch aufgrund ihres geringen Alters – als Mitläuferin eingestuft und ging daher straffrei aus. Nach dem Krieg  1947 regte ein befreundeter Unternehmer an, Junge solle ihre Erlebnisse in Buchform niederlegen. Der Text wurde jedoch nicht veröffentlicht, mit der Begründung, dass „die Leser an derartigen Geschichten kein Interesse hätten“.  Nach dem Krieg arbeitete sie als Sekretärin beim Bayerischen Landesverein für Heimatpflege, als Chefredaktionssekretärin für Quick und als freie Journalistin.  Mitte der 1970er Jahre wurde sie für das Buch Die Katakombe – Das Ende in der Reichskanzlei von Uwe Bahnsen und James O'Donnell und für die Britische Dokumentation Die Welt im Krieg (engl. The World at War)[1] von Michael Darlow interviewt.  Im Jahr 2000 lernte Junge die Journalistin und Schriftstellerin Melissa Müller kennen, welche sie dem Künstler André Heller vorstellte. Mit dem Regisseur und Kameramann Othmar Schmiderer zeichnete er Junges Erinnerungen an ihr Leben als Hitlers Sekretärin in Interviewform als Dokumentarfilm Im toten Winkel – Hitlers Sekretärin auf; der 2002 erschienene Film erhielt den Publikumspreis der Berlinale 2002. Müller veröffentlichte das von Junge und ihr überarbeitete Manuskript als Buch Bis zur letzten Stunde – Hitlers Sekretärin erzählt ihr Leben, das seit 1947 in Junges Schublade gelegen hatte; kurz nach dessen Erscheinen starb Traudl Junge am 11. Februar 2002 an Krebs. Das Buch diente als eine der Grundlagen für den von Oliver Hirschbiegel gedrehten und 2004 veröffentlichten Film Der Untergang (Drehbuch und Produktion Bernd Eichinger), der zwei Interview-Szenen aus dem Film Im toten Winkel – Hitlers Sekretärin enthält und in dem die von Alexandra Maria Lara dargestellte Sekretärin eine wichtige Rolle als Leitfigur für die Zuschauer bildet.
Hitler's youngest personal private secretary (December 1942 to April 1945) and subject of the film Der Untergang, Traudl Junge. It was she who had typed Hitler's last private and political will and testament in the Führerbunker a day and a half before his suicide and was one of the last to have seen him alive. 
With the concrete membranes reverberating under the blast of Russian shells, he sent for his youngest secretary – the widowed Traudl Junge. For a while he stood at his usual mid-table place, leaning on the now bare map-room table with both hands and staring at her shorthand pad. Suddenly he barked out: ‘My Political Testament’ and began dictating it, without notes – part pièce justificative, part pæan of praise for his brave troops’ accomplishments. ‘From the sacrifice of our soldiers and my own comradeship with them unto death, we have sown a seed which one day in Germany’s history will blossom forth into a glorious rebirth of the National Socialist movement and thus bring about a truly united nation.’
Irving (834) Hitler's War
Junge later wrote that while she was playing with the Goebbels children on 30 April that
Suddenly... there is the sound of a shot, so loud, so close, that we all fall silent. It echoes on through all the rooms. 'That was a direct hit,' cried Helmut [Goebbels] with no idea how right he is. The Führer is dead now.
video
Her interview (with English subtitles) for the 2002 documentary film Blind Spot: Hitler's Secretary which drew much attention and how she appeared in Der Untergang as portrayed by Alexandra Maria Lara.
According to Antony Beevor,
Traudl Junge and Gerda Christian disguised themselves as men. But the striking Tyrolean Constanze Manzialy became separated from them almost immediately. One account claims that she was seized by a huge Russian infantryman and assaulted by him and his comrades. Nobody knows whether she resorted to the cyanide ampoule which Hitler had presented in a brass container to each of his staff as going-away presents. In any case, she was never seen again. Both Traudl Junge and Gerda Christian, despite alarming adventures, managed to reach the other side of the Elbe. (388) The Fall of Berlin 1945
The grave of Oswald Spengler (29 May 1880 – 8 May 1936), best known for his book Der Untergang des Abendlandes (The Decline of the West), published in 1918 and 1922, where he proposed a new theory, according to which the lifespan of civilisations is limited and ultimately they decay. Some National Socialists such as Goebbels held Spengler as an intellectual precursor, whose Der Untergang des Abendlandes and Preussentum und Sozialismus were considered useful stepping stones for Hitler’s climb to power. but he was ostracised after 1933 for his pessimism about Germany's and Europe's future, his refusal to support Nazi ideas of racial superiority, and his critical work Jahre der Entscheidung (The Hour of Decision) when he dared to articulate his skepticism about the future of National Socialism.
”It is no victory, for the enemies were lacking,” observed Oswald Spengler in commenting on how easily Hitler had conquered and Nazified Germany in 1933. ”This seizure of power – ” the author of The Decline of the West wrote early in the year, ”it is with misgiving that I see it celebrated each day with so much noise. It would be better to save that for a day of real and definitive successes, that is, in the foreign field. There are no others.”
Shirer (185)
 He fell out of Hitler’s favour and the second part this work was not allowed to be published. Hitler referred to him directly in a May 1, 1935 speech:
A great age has thus dawned once again for Germany. We say this knowing that the greatness of an age lies in the greatness of the tasks assigned to it and thereby to us. Great tasks, such as those vested in only few generations in history.
Yesterday we were still a powerless Volk, for we were strife-torn, falling out and apart in internal discord, fragmented into hundreds of parties and groups, leagues and associations, Weltanschauungen and confessions—a Reich built upon this fragmented Volk, equally weak and powerless, a mere plaything at the mercy of alien despotism! Small states deride it, small states deprive it of its rights and gag the people of this Volk. The economy was in the throes of death. Disintegration and ruin at every turn. Every principle had been abandoned. What had once seemed good became bad; what had been detestable was suddenly venerable. What was once meant to and able to give life more meaning was now passed off and perceived to be merely a burden to mankind. One author summed up the impressions of this age in a book which he entitled, The Decline of the West.
Is this then really the end of our history and hence of our peoples? No! We cannot believe or accept it! It must be called not the ‘Decline of the West,’ but the ‘Resurrection of the Peoples of the Western World’!
In spite of this, Alfred Rosenberg wrote a lengthy obituary in the Volkiscber Beobachter at Spengler’s death in 1936.
Otto Rauchenberger, seit 1917 Ritter von Rauchenberger (* 11. September 1864 in Würzburg; † 7. August 1942 in München) war ein deutscher Offizier, zuletzt General der Infanterie.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Leben         1.1 Familie         1.2 Militärkarriere             1.2.1 Erster Weltkrieg             1.2.2 Nachkriegszeit     2 Literatur     3 Weblinks     4 Einzelnachweise  Leben Familie  Er war der Sohn des Hauptkassierers Martin Rauchenberger und dessen Ehefrau Barbara, geborene Englert. Rauchenberger verheiratete sich am 8. Juli 1895 mit Johanna Strauss. Aus der Ehe gingen ein Sohn und eine Tochter hervor. Militärkarriere  Rauchenberger absolvierte sein Abitur an einem Humanistischen Gymnasium. Anschließend trat er am 1. Oktober 1882 als Einjährig-Freiwilliger in das Infanterie-Leib-Regiment der Bayerischen Armee in München ein. Am Ende des Monats wurde er als Offiziersaspirant in das Regiment übernommen und nach dem erfolgreichen Besuch der Kriegsschule folgte am 24. März 1885 seine Beförderung zum Sekondeleutnant. Als solcher war Rauchenberger 1888/89 zweimal als Hilfslehrer zu den Aufnahmeübungen an die Kriegsschule kommandiert. Ab Mitte Mai 1889 fungierte er als Regimentsadjutant und wurde am 22. September 1893 zum Premierleutnant befördert. Von 1894 bis 1897 absolvierte Rauchenberger die Kriegsakademie, die ihm die Qualifikation für den Generalstab und das Lehrfach aussprach.[1] Im Anschluss daran folgten seine Kommandierung zum Generalstab sowie mit der Beförderung zum Hauptmann am 23. September 1898 seine Versetzung in die Zentralstelle des Generalstabs nach München. Daran schloss sich von Mitte Februar 1900 bis Mitte April 1901 seine Kommandierung zum Kriegsministerium an. Rauchenberger kehrte anschließend in den Truppendienst zurück und war bis 7. Juni 1902 als Kompaniechef im 1. Infanterie-Regiment „König“ tätig. Es folgte seine erneute Versetzung in die Zentralstelle des Generalstabs und Rauchenberger hatte in den kommenden Jahren verschiedene Generalstabsverwendungen inne. Unter anderem war er als Major 1905/06 zum Großen Generalstab nach Berlin kommandiert worden und diente während dieser Zeit auch als außerordentliches Mitglied des bayerischen Senats des Reichsmilitärgerichts. Zum 1. Oktober 1907 wurde Rauchenberger zum Bataillonskommandeur im 21. Infanterie-Regiment ernannt, dass er für ein Jahr befehligte. Anschließend war Rauchenberger Abteilungschef in der Zentralstelle des Generalstabes, wurde am 16. Oktober 1908 Oberstleutnant und von Mitte Februar 1909 bis 23. Januar 1910 zugleich auch Mitglied der Studienkommission der Kriegsakademie. Er wurde dann nochmals in den Großen Generalstab nach Berlin kommandiert, dort am 23. Oktober 1910 zum Oberst befördert und als solcher am 1. Oktober 1911 zum Kommandeur des 21. Infanterie-Regiments in Fürth ernannt. Dieses Regiment gab Rauchenberger am 30. September 1913 ab und erhielt dafür das Kommando über die 1. Infanterie-Brigade. In dieser Stellung folgte am 7. Januar 1914 seine Beförderung zum Generalmajor. Erster Weltkrieg  Mit Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkriegs machte seine Brigade am 2. August 1914 mobil und kam bei Badonviller erstmals ins Gefecht gegen die Franzosen. Daran schlossen sich die Kämpfe bei Vezouze und Sarrebourg sowie die Schlacht in Lothringen an, in der Rauchenberger am 20. August 1914 verwundet wurde. Nach seiner Gesundung kehrte er zu seiner Brigade an die Westfront zurück, nahm an der Schlacht an der Somme teil und ging dann westlich von Saint-Quentin in den Stellungskrieg über. Hier übernahm er am 9. März 1915 die aus seinem alten Großverband neugebildete 20. Infanterie-Brigade, mit der er in der Folgezeit an der Somme in Stellungskämpfen lag und im Herbst an der Schlacht bei La Bassée und Arras teilnahm. Während des Jahres 1915 war Rauchenberger im Juni/Juli sowie von Ende September bis Mitte Dezember vertretungsweise mit der Führung der 2. Infanterie-Division beauftragt. Mit seiner Brigade stand Rauchenberger 1916 weiterhin in Stellungskämpfen im Artois und machte die Schlacht an der Somme mit. Anfang August wurde er dann Kommandeur der neu zusammengestellten 14. Infanterie-Division, mit der er in der Schlacht bei Verdun zum Einsatz kam, bevor er im November 1916 nochmals in der Schlacht an der Somme eingriff.  Nach der Frühjahrsschlacht bei Arras im April 1917 verlegt Rauchenberger, seit 17. Januar 1917 Generalleutnant, mit seiner Division an die Ostfront. Hier kam sie bei Riga zum Einsatz, wo der Großverband an der russischen Nordflanke bei Uexküll die etwa 400 m breite Düna überschritt und seinen Angriff über den Kleinen Jägel bis zur livländischen Aa führte. Dabei gelang es der Division neben dem Geländegewinn 2000 Gefangene und 20 Geschütze einzubringen. Für diese Leistung, die kurz darauf zum Fall von Riga führte, wurde Rauchenberger am 6. September 1916 durch Wilhelm II. der Orden Pour le Mérite verliehen. Bereits einen Tag zuvor hatte Ludwig III. ihn mit dem Ritterkreuz des Militär-Max-Joseph-Ordens beliehen. Mit der Verleihung war die Erhebung in den persönliche Adel verbunden und er durfte sich nach der Eintragung in die Adelsmatrikel Ritter von Rauchenberger nennen.  Nach der Eroberung von Riga beteiligten sich seine Truppen auch an der Einnahme von Jakobstadt, bevor die Division nach dem Waffenstillstand Mitte Dezember 1917 wieder in den Westen verlegt wurde. Hier lag sie bei der 1. Armee in den Stellungskämpfen um Reims. Ab 21. März 1918 war Rauchenberger in die Frühjahrsoffensive eingebunden, kam an der Avre sowie der Ancre zum Einsatz und wurde nach der Abwehrschlacht zwischen Somme und Avre Ende Mai 1918 zum Kommandeur der 6. Infanterie-Division ernannt. In den folgenden schweren Abwehrkämpfen vor der Siegfriedstellung und der Abwehrschlacht zwischen Cambrai und Saint Quentin gelang es mehrfach feindliche Angriffe in seinem Bereich abzuschlagen. Dafür wurde Rauchenberger auf Vorschlag des Kommandierenden Generals der 18. Armee Oskar von Hutier am 19. Oktober 1918 das Eichenlaub zum Pour le Mérite verliehen.  In den letzten Kriegswochen zogen sich seine Truppen kämpfend über die Hermann- auf die Antwerpen-Maas-Stellung und von dort nach Maubeuge zurück. Nachkriegszeit  Nach dem Waffenstillstand von Compiègne und der Rückführung der Reste seiner Division in die Heimat wurde der Großverband demobilisiert und schließlich aufgelöst. Rauchenberger wurde daraufhin am 20. Dezember 1918 zum Kommandierenden General des stellvertretenden Generalkommandos des II. Armee-Korps in Würzburg ernannt. Auf seinen Wunsch hin stellte man ihn am 9. Juni 1919 zur Disposition und verabschiedet ihn fünf Tage später aus dem Militärdienst.  Nach seiner Verabschiedung betätigte er sich als Autor und verfasste verschiedene militärgeschichtliche Bücher und Schriften.  Rauchenberger erhielt am 27. August 1939, dem sogenannten Tannenbergtag, den Charakter als General der Infanterie verliehen.
 The grave of Otto von Rauchenberger.  During the Great War he had commanded the 6th and 14th Bavarian Infantry Divisions. After the War, he took over command of II. Bavarian Army Corps until June 1919. Twenty years later he was given by the Nazis the honorary title of General of Infantry for Tannenberg Remembrance Day. 
 Some graves are unmarked but appear only as random spaces, apparently belonging to war criminals.
Eduard Wohlrath Christian Dietl (* 21. Juli 1890 in Aibling; † 23. Juni 1944 nahe Waldbach, Steiermark) war ein deutscher Offizier, zuletzt Generaloberst im Zweiten Weltkrieg sowie Kommandeur von Gebirgsjägertruppen an verschiedenen Kriegsschauplätzen.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Leben         1.1 Bayerische Armee         1.2 Weimarer Republik             1.2.1 Frühe Mitgliedschaft in der NSDAP             1.2.2 Geplante Teilnahme am Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch         1.3 Zeit des Nationalsozialismus             1.3.1 Vorkriegszeit             1.3.2 Zweiter Weltkrieg                 1.3.2.1 Stilisierung zum Kriegshelden                 1.3.2.2 Beförderung zum Generaloberst                 1.3.2.3 Tod     2 Hitlers Nachruf auf Dietl     3 Gesinnung     4 Kriegsverbrechen     5 Dietl als Namenspatron     6 Auszeichnungen         6.1 Deutsche Auszeichnungen vor 1933         6.2 Deutsche Auszeichnungen im Dritten Reich         6.3 Ausländische Auszeichnungen     7 Literatur     8 Weblinks     9 Einzelnachweise  Leben Bayerische Armee  Eduard Dietl war der Sohn des Finanzrates Eduard Dietl und dessen Frau Lina, geborene Holzhausen. Das Abitur legte er am Rosenheimer Gymnasium ab. Er trat am 1. Oktober 1909 als Fahnenjunker in das 5. Infanterie-Regiment „Großherzog Ernst Ludwig von Hessen“ der Bayerischen Armee in Bamberg ein. Für seinen Eintritt als Offizieranwärter[1] benötigte er zwei Anläufe; von einem anderen Regiment wurde seine erste Bewerbung abgelehnt.  Er besuchte die Kriegsschule München und wurde am 26. Oktober 1911 zum Leutnant ernannt. Der Erste Weltkrieg begann für Dietl 1914 als Zugführer einer MG-Kompanie an der Westfront. Dietl wurde dreimal verwundet und wurde nach der Schlacht an der Somme mit dem Eisernen Kreuz I. Klasse ausgezeichnet. Bis zum Ende des Krieges wurde er zum Hauptmann befördert und stieg, nach mehreren Adjutantenstellungen,[1] zum Kompanieführer auf. Weimarer Republik  1919 trat er als Kompanieführer in das Freikorps des Franz von Epp ein, das im Mai 1919 an der Zerschlagung der Münchner Räterepublik beteiligt war. Hitler erschien erstmals am 12. September 1919 bei einer Versammlung der Deutschen Arbeiterpartei (DAP); Hauptmann Dietl besuchte wohl erstmals am 7. Oktober 1919 eine Versammlung der DAP, die ab dem 24. Februar 1920 Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP) genannt wurde. Angeblich haben einige Männer aus Dietls Einheit in Zivil Saalschutz betrieben.[1] 1920 wurde Dietl in die Reichswehr übernommen und dort Kompaniechef im III. (Gebirgsjäger-)Bataillon des Infanterie-Regiments 19. Frühe Mitgliedschaft in der NSDAP  In dieser Zeit lernte er Adolf Hitler kennen. 1921 musste Dietl, wegen des Verbots politischer Betätigung für Militärangehörige, aus der NSDAP austreten, blieb der Partei und Hitler jedoch eng verbunden. Er war maßgeblich am Aufbau der Münchener Sturmabteilung (SA) beteiligt. Geplante Teilnahme am Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch  Am 9. November 1923 stand Dietl mit seiner Kompanie bereit, den Hitler-Ludendorff-Putsch zu unterstützen, kam jedoch nicht zum Einsatz. Danach wurde Dietl Inspekteur und Taktiklehrer an der Münchner Infanterieschule.  Dietl war ein guter Skifahrer und nahm an vielen nationalen und internationalen Wettkämpfen teil. Am 1. April 1931 wurde ihm zum Abschluss des ersten Heeresbergführerlehrgangs der Reichswehr das Heeresbergführerabzeichen verliehen. 1926 heiratete er Gerda-Luise Hannicke, mit der er vier Kinder hatte.  Am 1. Oktober 1928 wurde er Kommandeur des III. Bataillons des 19. Infanterie-Regiments. Am 1. Februar 1930 wurde Dietl zum Major ernannt, am 1. Januar 1933 folgte seine Beförderung zum Oberstleutnant. Zeit des Nationalsozialismus Vorkriegszeit  Ab April 1934 gehörte er zum Stab des Infanterie-Regiments 19 und im November 1934 wurde Dietl Kommandeur des Infanterie-Regiments 20 in Regensburg. Am 1. Januar 1935 wurde Dietl zum Oberst befördert und er übernahm im Oktober 1935 als Kommandeur das Gebirgsjäger-Regiment 99 in Füssen. Am 1. April 1938 stieg Dietl zum Generalmajor auf und im Mai 1938 zum Kommandeur der 3. Gebirgs-Division in Graz ernannt, mit der er u.a. 1938 in das Sudetenland einmarschierte.[1][2] Zweiter Weltkrieg Eduard Dietl (links) und Albert Speer Februar 1944  Als Kommandeur dieser Division nahm er 1939 am Polenfeldzug teil. Anfang April 1940 wurde er mit 2.000 Mann seiner Division von zehn Zerstörern der Kriegsmarine im Rahmen des Unternehmens „Weserübung“ nach Narvik gebracht. Nach der Anlandung in Norwegen am 9. April 1940 war er drei Monate lang in schwere Kämpfe mit den Alliierten verwickelt. In der Schlacht um Narvik gelang es 2.000 Gebirgsjägern und 2.500 Marinesoldaten, sich gegen eine fünffache Übermacht zu behaupten. Dafür erhielt Dietl das Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes und die Beförderung zum Generalleutnant. Am 19. Juli 1940 wurde Dietl mit dem Eichenlaub zum Ritterkreuz ausgezeichnet und zum General der Gebirgstruppe befördert. Eduard Dietl (links) und Oiva Willamo, Finnland 1943  Beim Unternehmen Barbarossa überquerte Dietls Verband die finnisch-sowjetische Grenze am nördlichen Eismeer. Anfang 1942 übernahm er die Armee Lappland, später umbenannt in 20. Gebirgs-Armee. Stilisierung zum Kriegshelden  Der überzeugte Nationalsozialist Dietl wurde nach den Kämpfen um Narvik zum Volkshelden aufgebaut. Am 10. Juni 1940 gab das Oberkommando der Wehrmacht bekannt:      „Der heldenhafte Widerstand, den die Kampfgruppe des Generalleutnants Dietl seit vielen Wochen, vereinsamt unter schwersten Bedingungen, in Narvik gegen eine überwältigende feindliche Übermacht geleistet hat, erhielt heute seine Krönung durch den vollen Sieg. Ostmärkische Gebirgstruppen (...) haben einen Beweis ruhmvollen Soldatentums für alle Zeiten gegeben.“  Joseph Goebbels machte den „Helden von Narvik” zum Propagandaprodukt, er verklärte seine Taten zu einem „modernen Nibelungenlied”. Unter dem tosenden Beifall des Großdeutschen Reichstages wurde Dietl am 19. Juli 1940 als erstem Soldaten der Wehrmacht das Eichenlaub zum Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes verliehen.[3]  Nach dem 22. Juni 1941 tönte die Nazipropaganda: Im Norden steht die Wehrmacht „im Bunde mit finnischen Divisionen [...] mit dem Sieger von Narvik am nördlichen Eismeer.” Beförderung zum Generaloberst  Als Hitler am 4. Juni 1942 zum 75. Geburtstag des finnischen Oberbefehlshabers von Mannerheim nach Finnland reiste, beförderte er Dietl an derselben Stelle in derselben Zeremonie zum Generaloberst. Dietl enttäuschte das Vertrauen seines „Führers“ nicht:      „Wir müssen aus innerster Überzeugung an unseren obersten Befehlshaber glauben und mit heiliger Begeisterung die Aufgabe, die der Führer der Wehrmacht gestellt hat – die Erringung des Endsieges – erfüllen.“  Die Schlacht von Stalingrad leitete im Winter 1942/43 die Wende des Krieges ein. Den zehnten Jahrestag der Machtergreifung wollte man im Januar 1943 feierlich begehen. Dazu wurde etlichen Generälen, darunter Schörner und Dietl, das Goldene Parteiabzeichen der NSDAP verliehen. Als Goebbels nach der Kapitulation von Stalingrad am 18. Februar 1943 im Berliner Sportpalast den „totalen Krieg“ verkündete, telegraphierte ihm Dietl die „uneingeschränkte Sympathie der Front“. Nach der Niederlage an der Wolga wurde im Frühjahr 1943 der Heldengedenktag nur sehr verhalten gefeiert. Ausgleich schuf im November ein großangelegter Propagandafeldzug mit Kundgebungen von Ritterkreuzträgern und Kriegshelden zum zwanzigsten Jahrestag des Hitler-Putsches von 1923. Auch hier tat sich Generaloberst Dietl hervor: Als Oberbefehlshaber der 20. Gebirgsarmee ließ er zum 9. November 1943 verkünden:      „Das deutsche Volk gedenkt am 9. November des Tages, an dem der Führer das große Wagnis unternahm, mit einer Handvoll entschlossener Männer die Führung des Reiches an sich zu reißen und damit das deutsche Schicksal entscheidend zum Guten zu wenden. [...] Wir feiern [...] den Tag der unbedingten Treue zum Führer, zur Idee des Reiches, zur Ehre der Nation und zur nationalen Gemeinschaft des deutschen Volkes.“  Höhepunkt des Propagandafeldzuges war die Durchhalterede, die Dietl auf den Stufen der Feldherrnhalle in München hielt:      „Der Frontsoldat weiß, daß es sich um den Schicksalskampf des deutschen Volkes handelt, daß sich die Juden der ganzen Welt zusammengeschlossen haben zur Vernichtung Deutschlands und Europas. [...] Der Krieg ist der unerbittliche Läuterer der Vorsehung. Ich erkläre feierlich: Ich glaube an den Führer!“  Dieses öffentliche Bekenntnis zum „Führer“ verkündete Dietl ebenso in Rosenheim, Ingolstadt und Graz. Tod  Für den 23. Juni 1944 wurde Dietl zu einer Besprechung mit Hitler auf den Berghof befohlen. Auf dem Weg dahin zerschellte sein Flugzeug vom Typ Junkers 52 auf der steirischen Seite des Hochwechsels, in Waldbach-Breitenbrunn. Mit Dietl starben die Generale Karl Eglseer, Franz Rossi und Thomas-Emil von Wickede. Sein Tod wurde zuerst aus propagandistischen Gründen geheim gehalten. Die Schwerter zum Ritterkreuz wurden ihm postum am 1. Juli 1944 verliehen, und die Gebirgsjägerbrigade 139 erhielt den Namen „Generaloberst Dietl“. In Hitlers Tagesbefehl zum 1. Juli 1944 hieß es:      „Am 23. Juni 1944 ist Generaloberst Dietl bei einem Flugzeugunfall tödlich verunglückt. Als hervorragender Soldat im Ringen um unser nationalsozialistisches Großdeutschland hat sich Generaloberst Dietl besonders im Kampf um Norwegen und Finnland ausgezeichnet [...]. Generaloberst Dietl wird für alle Soldaten und für das ganze deutsche Volk der Inbegriff des Glaubens an unser nationalsozialistisches Deutschland und seinen Sieg sein. [...] Als fanatischer Nationalsozialist hat sich Generaloberst Dietl in unwandelbarer Treue und leidenschaftlichem Glauben seit Beginn des Kampfes unserer Bewegung für das Großdeutsche Reich persönlich eingesetzt. Ich verliere deshalb in ihm einen meiner treuesten Kameraden aus langer, schwerer, gemeinsamer Kampfzeit.“  Noch während des Zweiten Weltkrieges gab es Gerüchte, dass es sich bei dem Absturz um eine auf Hitler zurückgehende Sabotage handeln könnte.[4]  Begraben liegt Dietl auf dem Münchener Nordfriedhof. Sein Grabstein zeigt lediglich seinen Nachnamen und den "Narvikschild". Hitlers Nachruf auf Dietl  „Als ich zum ersten Mal diesem Mann gegenüberstand, da ermöglichte er mir mit seiner Kompanie die erste Einflußnahme auf ein deutsches Regiment. Als erster Offizier der deutschen Wehrmacht hat er mir seinen Verband zur Verfügung gestellt, um politisch auf ihn einzuwirken. Eine Stunde nachdem ich damals zur dritten Kompanie seines Regiments gesprochen hatte, gab mir dieser Mann seine Hand und erklärte, er würde von jetzt an mein Gefolgsmann und Anhänger sein. Und dabei ist es dann geblieben, Jahr für Jahr (...) Er ist für mich der erste Offizier der deutschen Wehrmacht, der in meine Gedankenwelt eingedrungen war und sich blind und ohne Kompromisse zu ihr bekannte.(...) Dietl hat eigentlich den Typ des nationalsozialistischen Offiziers geschaffen, eines Offiziers, der nicht weichlich ist im Verlangen und Fordern, nicht schwächlich im Einsatz der Menschen, sondern der genau weiß, daß für diesen Kampf kein Opfer zu groß oder zu teuer ist, um nicht gebracht zu werden, jenes Offiziers, der auf der einen Seite die harten und härtesten Forderungen stellt, auf der andern aber das Schicksal seiner Untergebenen als ihr wahrer Freund und Vater zu seinem eigenen gestaltet, ein Nationalsozialist also nicht der Phrase, sondern dem Willen, der Überlegung und doch auch dem Herzen nach.“ (Staatsakt auf Schloss Kleßheim (bei Salzburg) am 1. Juli 1944)  Der Staatsakt mit Hitlers Rede wurde live vom Radio übertragen. In Militäreinheiten veranlassten NS-Führungsoffiziere den Gemeinschaftsempfang dieser Propaganda-Rede.[5] Gesinnung  Aufschluss über Dietls rassistische Gesinnung gibt seine „sehr ernste Mahnung an die Vorgesetzten aller Dienstgrade“, in der er kurz vor Weihnachten 1942 die allgemein geltenden Bestimmungen über die Heirat deutscher Soldaten mit Frauen aus nordischen Staaten verschärfte. Er lehnte Ehen deutscher Soldaten mit Norwegerinnen kategorisch ab, zum einen weil „es sich [...] nur um recht geringwertige Vertreterinnen der Nachbarvölker“ und um „rassisches Treibholz“ handele, zum anderen, weil in der Heimat „Hunderttausende frischer deutscher Mädels und leider auch zahlreiche junge Kriegerwitwen auf unsere heimkehrenden Soldaten“ warten.  Dietl galt als sehr volkstümlich; das gute Verhältnis zu seinen Untergebenen wurde von der Propaganda stark herausgestellt und deswegen wurde er ohne Zweifel einer der populärsten deutschen Heerführer und der "NS-Mustergeneral". Kriegsverbrechen  In zwei Fällen wird Dietl die Beteiligung an Kriegsverbrechen vorgeworfen:  Der erste betrifft die Weitergabe des Kommissarbefehls, der im Juni 1941 auf Initiative der Heeresführung ausgearbeitet worden war. Hitler hatte in einer Rede am 30. März 1941 ein kriegsverbrecherisches Vorgehen gegen die UdSSR gefordert; er hatte erklärt, das Heer müsse in diesem „Kampf zweier Weltanschauungen (...) von dem Standpunkt des soldatischen Kameradentums abrücken“. Über das Gebirgskorps Norwegen unter Generaloberst von Falkenhorst wurde der Befehl auch an General Dietl weitergegeben und dort bekanntgemacht. Auch im Befehlsbereich von Dietls 20. Gebirgsarmee wurden Kriegsgefangene zur Erschießung an den berüchtigten Sicherheitsdienst (SD) übergeben.  Der zweite Tatbestand betrifft die als „Konzentrationslager für die Wehrmacht“ bezeichneten Feldstraflager in Finnland und Nordnorwegen. In Norwegen ließ Dietl Rückzugswege bauen. Dabei wurden Einheiten von Strafgefangenen („Moorsoldaten“ aus den Emslandlagern) der Organisation Todt eingesetzt. Weitere Einheiten wurden in Zinna/Torgau aufgestellt; es waren Arbeitssklaven aus den Feldstraflagern I und II in Finnland und Norwegen, für die Dietl truppendienstlich verantwortlich war. Diese Feldstraflager waren die militärische Variante der Vernichtung durch Arbeit. Zum sogenannten Bewährungsprogramm gehörte der Fußmarsch von Rovaniemi nach Petsamo am Eismeer, auf dem immer wieder zu schwache Strafsoldaten mit Genickschüssen getötet wurden. Auch kam es ab Sommer 1942 in Finnland und Nordnorwegen zu willkürlichen Erschießungen und sadistischen Misshandlungen deutscher Strafsoldaten durch Wachpersonal der Wehrmacht. Dietl hatte am 16. Juni 1942 den Strafsoldaten unverhohlen mit Erschießen gedroht, wenn sie bei den Märschen nicht mitkommen sollten. Dietl als Namenspatron  Im Mai 1964 wurde eine Kaserne der Bundeswehr in Füssen nach Dietl benannt.[6] Ein Jahr später wurde sein militärischer Rang „Generaloberst“ der Namensgebung hinzugefügt.  Im Januar 1982, anlässlich der Neubenennung einer Straße in Dietls Geburtsort Bad Aibling, begann der öffentliche Meinungskampf. Im Juli 1987 forderte eine Bürgerinitiative in Kempten (Allgäu) die Umbenennung der „General-Dietl-Straße“. Pax Christi forderte im Februar 1988 die Umbenennung der „Generaloberst-Dietl-Kaserne“ in Füssen.[6]  Wütende Reaktionen folgten: Wer für die Umbenennung öffentlich Stellung bezog, stieß auf erbitterten Widerstand in Form von anonymen Anrufen, Zuschriften und Morddrohungen. Der Petitionsausschuss des Bundestages hingegen empfahl, durch Aufklärung der Truppe Verständnis für die Umbenennung der Kaserne zu wecken. Eine Umbenennung wäre zugleich ein Beitrag zur „Aufarbeitung der jüngsten deutschen Vergangenheit“. Der örtliche CSU-Abgeordnete Kurt Rossmanith hielt dagegen: „Generaloberst Dietl war und ist für mich auch heute noch Vorbild in menschlichem und soldatischem Handeln.“  Schließlich ging am 9. November 1995 der Kampf um Dietl zu Ende. Bundesminister der Verteidigung Volker Rühe entschied, die Generaloberst-Dietl-Kaserne in Füssen und die General-Kübler-Kaserne in Mittenwald umzubenennen. Die Kaserne in Füssen erhielt den Namen Allgäu-Kaserne, die in Mittenwald den Namen Karwendel-Kaserne.[6] Diese Entscheidung stieß auf herbe Kritik des Kameradenkreises der Gebirgstruppe.  Im März 1990 wurde Dietls Ehrenbürgerschaft von der Landeshauptstadt Graz (Steiermark) getilgt. Die General-Dietl-Straße in Kempten (Allgäu) wurde im Januar 1993 umbenannt (neu: Prälat-Götz-Straße). In Bad Aibling heißt die frühere General-Dietl-Straße nach vielen Diskussionen seit Januar 1996 „Am Sonnenfeld“. Einzelne fordern aber nach wie vor eine Rückbenennung. Im Januar 1997 stimmte der Rat der Stadt Füssen für die Umbenennung der Dietlstraße (neu: Baumeister-Fischer-Straße). Die General-Dietl-Straße in Freyung wurde im Januar 1998 in Ahornöder Straße umbenannt. Die Dietl-Gedenktafel in Ringelai (Bayerischer Wald) – bis 1977 eine Gedenkstätte für Albert Leo Schlageter – wurde im Sommer 1997 abmontiert. In Harthausen, einem Stadtteil Bad Aiblings, existiert weiterhin eine Dietl-Gedenktafel. Denkmal "Dietler Kreuz"  Eine skurrile Gedenkstätte für Dietl befindet sich inmitten einer Touristenattraktion, der Miniaturwelt „Wiedners Wasserspiele“ in Waldbach, Bezirk Hartberg-Fürstenfeld, Steiermark. Sie ist allerdings nur ein Modell des so genannten „Dietl-Kreuzes“ an der Absturzstelle des Flugzeuges im Waldbacher Ortsteil Breitenbrunn, die über einen rund 500 Meter langen, markierten Fußweg abseits der Straße zur Rablkreuz-Hütte erreichbar ist. Bis zum Jahr 2002 wurde beim Dietl-Kreuz alljährlich an einem Sonntag rund um das Absturzdatum eine Gedenkmesse gehalten. In einem kritischen Bericht der Kleinen Zeitung[7] wird der Pfarrer von Waldbach, Franz Rechberger, mit einer Rechtfertigung zitiert: „Es war nie eine Dietl-Messe, sondern immer eine Sonntagsmesse mit Gebeten für den Frieden und die Gefallenen.“ Auszeichnungen Deutsche Auszeichnungen vor 1933      Prinzregent Luitpold-Medaille[8] am 12. März 1911     Eisernes Kreuz (1914) II. Klasse[8] am 16. September 1914     Eisernes Kreuz (1914) I. Klasse[8] am 3. September 1916     Bayerischer Militärverdienstorden IV. Klasse mit Schwertern und mit Krone[8]     Hessische Tapferkeitsmedaille[8]     Verwundetenabzeichen (1918) in Silber[8]     Heeresbergführer-Abzeichen am 1. April 1931  Deutsche Auszeichnungen im Dritten Reich      "Blutorden" der NSDAP     Wehrmacht-Dienstauszeichnung IV. bis I. Klasse am 2. Oktober 1936     Medaille zur Erinnerung an den 13. März 1938     Medaille zur Erinnerung an den 1. Oktober 1938 mit Spange Prager Burg     Spange zum Eisernen Kreuz II. Klasse am 24. September 1939     Spange zum Eisernen Kreuz I. Klasse am 15. April 1940     Ritterkreuz des Eisernen Kreuzes mit Eichenlaub und Schwertern[9]         Ritterkreuz 9. Mai 1940         Eichenlaub 19. Juli 1940 (1. Verleihung)         Schwerter 1. Juli 1944 (72. Verleihung) (postum)     Zerstörer-Kriegsabzeichen am 5. November 1940     Ärmelschild Narvik am 21. März 1941     Goldenes Parteiabzeichen der NSDAP     Medaille Winterschlacht im Osten 1941/42     Nennung im Wehrmachtbericht am 10. Juni 1940  Ausländische Auszeichnungen      Chilenischer Verdienstorden, Kommandeurkreuz mit Trageerlaubnis vom 16. März 1934     Finnisches Großkreuz der Weißen Rose mit Schwertern und Bruststern am 9. November 1941     Finnisches Freiheitskreuz I. Klasse mit Stern, Eichenlaub und Schwertern und Bruststern am 20. Januar 1944     Finnisches Großkreuz des Freiheitskreuzes mit Schwertern
The 1944 state funeral and grave today  of General Eduard Dietl, recipient of the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross with Oak Leaves and Swords, awarded to recognise extreme battlefield bravery or successful military leadership. Eduard Dietl was the first recipient, in June 1941, following his exploits in Norway at Narvik. Approximately 880 Oak Leaves distinctions were awarded during the war. 
The battle for Narvik was a close-run thing. On the naval side it was a disaster, with the bulk of the German destroyer fleet lost in action with the Royal Navy. On land, Ludwig Stautner's battalion of Gebirgsjager (mountain troops) from Regiment 139 hung on tenaciously under considerable pressure from the Allied units that surrounded them. The German perimeter was gradually reduced, so much so that General Dietl was forced to consider the prospect of defeat and capture: the Allies had even landed and retaken the town of Narvik itself. However, the Germans put up a steadfast defence of the rapidly shrinking perimeter, and the Allies decided to pull back from the town: both Dietl and Stautner's mountain troops were the heroes of the hour. Dietl himself commented, however: "They call me the Hero of Narvik, but if the battle had lasted one more day, I would have surrendered." For his part in the dogged defence, Stautner was awarded the Knight's Cross.
Williamson (63) Knight's Cross and Oak-Leaves Recipients 1939-40
On 23 June 1944, a Junkers Ju 52 aircraft carrying Dietl, General der Infanterie Thomas-Emil von Wickede, General der Gebirgstruppe Karl Eglseer, Generalleutnant Franz Rossi and three other passengers crashed in the vicinity of the small village of Rettenegg, Styria; there were no survivors.
Ferdinand Marian, eigentlich Ferdinand Haschkowetz, (* 14. August 1902 in Wien; † 9. August 1946 bei Freising) war ein österreichisch-deutscher Schauspieler.  Inhaltsverzeichnis      1 Leben     2 Filmografie     3 Literatur     4 Weblinks     5 Einzelnachweise  Leben  Marian übernahm seinen Künstlernamen von seinem Vater, der Opernsänger war. Er besuchte keine Schauspielschule, begleitete aber als Kind und Jugendlicher oft seinen Vater ins Theater oder Opernhaus. Dort lernte er schon früh jene Welt kennen, die später sein wichtigster Lebensinhalt werden sollte. Ein Ingenieurstudium in Wien brach er ab und riss für vier Jahre von zu Hause aus, wobei er sich mit verschiedensten Jobs über Wasser hielt. Marians Vater besaß ein Haus in Trofaiach in der Obersteiermark, wo sich Ferdinand Marian gerne aufhielt. Schließlich versuchte er es mit Vaters Hilfe doch am Theater und arbeitete zunächst als Charge und später als Schauspieler an Theatern in Graz, Trier, Mönchengladbach, Aachen, Hamburg und München. Seinen Durchbruch hatte er in Hamburg in einer Aufführung von Richard Billingers Rauhnacht. 1938 kam er ans Deutsche Theater nach Berlin. Im Jahre 1939 erzielte er dort als Jago im Othello seinen größten Theatererfolg. Nebenbei trat er seit 1933 in Filmen auf.  Seit seinen Rollen in Die Stimme des Herzens (1937) und in Detlef Siercks La Habanera (1938) als verführerischer Don Pedro neben Zarah Leander wurde Ferdinand Marian zum deutschen Frauenschwarm der späten 1930er Jahre. Diese Popularität beim weiblichen Publikum ausnutzend, wurde ihm von den nationalsozialistischen Entscheidungsträgern die Übernahme der Hauptrolle in Jud Süß, dem bekanntesten antijüdischen NS-Propagandafilm, angetragen. Marian vermochte es nicht, diese Rolle auszuschlagen, die zu seiner „Schicksalsrolle“ wurde. Von da an war Marian als Darsteller des „Jud Süß“ abgestempelt. Er war als Star noch nicht etabliert genug, um nicht für ihn negative Entscheidungen der Reichsfilmkammer fürchten zu müssen. 1941 wurde er in Ohm Krüger, Hans Steinhoffs Burenkrieg-Film mit antibritischen Tendenzen, erneut in einem propagandistisch gefärbten Erfolgsfilm besetzt. Bis Kriegsende war Marian dann in Unterhaltungsfilmen wie Münchhausen (1943) und In flagranti (1943) zu sehen, des Weiteren in dem Melodram Romanze in Moll (1943). In der Endphase des Zweiten Weltkriegs nahm ihn Goebbels in die Liste der für seine Propagandafilme benötigten Schauspieler, der Gottbegnadeten-Liste auf.[1] Dadurch wurde Marian vor einem Kriegseinsatz, auch an der Heimatfront, bewahrt.  Am 30. März 1936 heiratete Marian in Hamburg die Schauspielerin Maria Byk (bürgerlich: Annemarie Albertine Böck, nach der Heirat Albertine Haschkowetz), die 1927 von dem bekannten Regisseur Julius Gellner nach zweijähriger Ehe geschieden worden war. Sie hatte mit Gellner eine Tochter, die emigrieren musste, da sie als Tochter eines jüdischen Vaters als „Halbjüdin“ galt.  Marian war politisch desinteressiert. Er gehörte keiner politischen Partei an und war auch kein Anhänger des Nationalsozialismus. Er machte sich eher über die Politik und die Politiker aller Couleur lustig. Sein Biograph, der Berliner Medienwissenschaftler und promovierte Psychologe Friedrich Knilli, charakterisiert ihn als schwierigen Menschen, der sein Leben lang unter der Missachtung litt, die er in seinem Elternhaus und in seiner Jugend erfahren habe. Seine Wirkung auf andere Menschen, insbesondere auf Frauen, und seine Resonanz beim Publikum waren ihm außerordentlich wichtig und er litt darunter, wenn er (wie nach 1945) kein Publikum hatte.  Nach Kriegsende 1945 lebte er zuletzt in Freising. Wegen seiner Mitwirkung an Jud Süß war ihm die Schauspieltätigkeit untersagt. Er starb bei einem Autounfall, bei dem er wahrscheinlich angetrunken gegen einen Baum fuhr. Bis heute wird darüber spekuliert, ob es sich dabei um einen Suizid wegen seiner damals perspektivlosen beruflichen Situation gehandelt habe. Dagegen spricht erstens, dass der amerikanische Filmoffizier Münchens, Eric Pleskow,[2] zu diesem Zeitpunkt bereit gewesen wäre, Marian aufgrund angenommener Unschuld von der schwarzen Liste zu streichen, und damit ein neuer Karriereabschnitt hätte beginnen können, und zweitens, dass außer Ferdinand Marian noch zwei Mitfahrer im Auto saßen, die nur leicht verletzt wurden.  Marian wurde auf dem Nordfriedhof München beerdigt.  Der Spielfilm Jud Süß – Film ohne Gewissen von Oskar Roehler aus dem Jahr 2010 thematisiert Ferdinand Marians Rolle im Film Jud Süß des Jahres 1940. Filmografie      1933: Der Tunnel (Kurt Bernhardt)     1934: Peer Gynt     1936: Ein Hochzeitstraum (Erich Engel)     1937: Die Stimme des Herzens (Karl Heinz Martin)     1937: Madame Bovary (Gerhard Lamprecht)     1937: La Habanera (Detlef Sierck)     1938: Nordlicht (Herbert B. Fredersdorf)     1939: Der Vierte kommt nicht (Max W. Kimmich)     1939: Morgen werde ich verhaftet (Karl-Heinz Stroux)     1939: Dein Leben gehört mir     1940: Aus erster Ehe (Paul Verhoeven)     1940: Der Fuchs von Glenarvon (Max W. Kimmich)     1940: Jud Süß (Veit Harlan)     1941: Ohm Krüger (Hans Steinhoff)     1942: Ein Zug fährt ab (Johannes Meyer)     1943: Romanze in Moll (Helmut Käutner)     1943: Münchhausen (Josef von Báky)     1943: Reise in die Vergangenheit (Hans H. Zerlett)     1943: Tonelli (Viktor Tourjansky)     1943: In flagranti (Hans Schweikart)     1944: Freunde (E. W. Emo)     1945: Das Gesetz der Liebe (Hans Schweikart)     1945: Die Nacht der 12 (Hans Schweikart)     1945: Dreimal Komödie (Viktor Tourjansky)  Literatur      Friedrich Knilli: Ich war Jud Süß. Die Geschichte des Filmstars Ferdinand Marian. Mit einem Vorwort von Alphons Silbermann.
Just outside Freising in Dürneck where I cycle past everyday to get to work, is where Ferdinand Marian died in a road accident in 1946. Described by David Stewart Hull as "a rather oily matinee idol with a marked resemblance to the late American comic Ernie Kovacs. Marian had a small following, but was no major star, although he was later to prove his genuine talents in several remarkable performances," he had been the star of history’s most incendiary film, Jud Süß despite having had an half-Jewish daughter from his first marriage and whose second wife had been married to a Jew, whom Marian hid in his house.
"I can't play that kind of role, I'm a bon vivant." Goebbels: "Who gives you your parts-the public or me? I know you want to go to Hollywood, but here you get more money than scientists, and yet you refuse to play the part the Fuhrer wants you to play. Don't tell me you won't play it, tell my aide." With this, Goebbels stomped out of the room. Marian, cowed, then cried after the departing Goebbels, "I'll do it!" (This scene was recorded for posterity by a secretary, according to Harlan, who said that it was revealed after the war. I have not been able to locate the document.) Marian, said Harlan, was so miserable that he went home, got drunk, and wrecked his apartment with an axe.
Film in the Third Reich: A Study of the German Cinema 1933-1945 (165-166)
His losing fight to not appear in the film was the subject of the German-Austrian movie Jud Süss - Film ohne Gewissen of 2010.

Apparently he had been driving to Munich drunk with a borrowed car to collect denazification papers that with the permission by US film officer Eric Pleskow that would have allowed him to work again, having celebrated this news just beforehand. Other sources suggest that the accident was suicide: 
Ferdinand Marian, who had taken the title role in Jud Suss, committed suicide in a car crash due to feelings of guilt. 
Hull (269)
The Hochbunker on the corner of Domagkstrasse across from the cemetery is now being redeveloped as shown in these two photos taken a year apart.Perhaps the most (in)famous name in Nazi cinema resides at: 
Leni Riefenstahl's grave in the Waldfriedhof; her grave is located at 509-W-4
Probably the most famous major film-maker in the Third Reich, she records in her memoirs an example of how exactly Hitler got people on his side. The only difficulty in using her evidence is that it has to be assumed accurate and not a distortion of reality which is attempting to show her relationship to National Socialism in as favourable a light as possible. We have to be prepared to believe she participated in Hitler’s Germany with reluctance rather than enthusiasm. This filmmaker visited Hitler at the Reich Chancellery in August 1933. She says she entered the room determined not to undertake any project on behalf of National Socialism. But the meeting went as follows.
‘I invited you here today in order to find out how far you’ve got with your preparations for the film on the Party rally, and whether you’re getting enough support from the Ministry of Propaganda.’
I stared at him [Hitler] in amazement – what was he talking about? Surprised at my reaction, he said: ‘Didn’t the Propaganda Ministry inform you that I want you to make a film about the Party rally in Nuremberg?’
I shook my head and Hitler was clearly perplexed. ‘You know nothing about it?’ he asked angrily. ‘Why, that’s impossible. Brückner transmitted my request to Dr Goebbels weeks ago. Haven’t you been notified?’ Once again I had to say no and Hitler grew even more upset. He summoned Brückner and angrily asked him, ‘Didn’t you pass my request on to the doctor? Why wasn’t Fräulein Riefenstahl informed?’ As he spoke he clenched his fists, glaring with anger. Before his terrified aide could reply, Hitler jeered, ‘I can imagine how the gentlemen at the Propaganda Ministry must envy this gifted young artist. They can’t stand the fact that such an honour has been awarded to a woman – and, indeed, an artist who isn’t even a member of the party.’ Neither Brückner nor I dared to respond. ‘It’s outrageous of them to boycott my request’, Hitler ranted. He snapped at Brückner to telephone Dr Goebbels and tell him to order the people in his cinema department to support me and my work in Nuremberg in every possible way.
I myself was by now very agitated, and I interrupted Hitler. ‘My Führer, I cannot accept this – I have never seen a Party rally, I know nothing about what goes on there, and I have no experience in making documentaries. It would be better if such films were made by Party members who know the material and are happy to be given such assignments.’ I talked to Hitler almost beseechingly, and slowly he relaxed and calmed down.
Looking at me, he said, ‘Fräulein Riefenstahl, don’t let me down. You would only have to take a few days off. I am convinced that you alone have the artistic ability to turn real-life events into more than ordinary newsreel footage – certainly the officials at the cinema department of the Propaganda Ministry do not.’ I stood before him, eyes lowered, as he went on urging me more and more insistently. ‘The party rally will begin in three days. Naturally you won’t be able to make a really great film this year. But you can go to Nuremberg in order to gain some experience and try to film whatever can be filmed without preparations.’ He took a few steps, then resumed. ‘My wishes were probably never communicated to the doctor. I will personally ask him to support you.’
My God, I thought, if Hitler knew how impossible any collaboration would be between Goebbels and myself. But I had no desire to tell him about his Minister’s escapades. Besides, I felt less and less able to contradict him. I simply lacked the courage. As Hitler took leave of me, his last words were: ‘Hold your head up high, everything will work out. You will receive further information before the day is over.’ Hitler had not understood how unhappy this project would make me. My most passionate desire was to work as an actress.

L. Riefenstahl, The Sieve of Time, 1992, pp. 143–4
Objectively, Leni Riefenstahl's films helped the Nazi cause. This does not mean that she was a personal monster, nor that every "moral" aspect of her films is deplorable. For her achievements on this level she has been widely and no doubt justly condemned-if not always for the reasons stated by her critics-and it seems unlikely that history will reverse the verdict. But it is also necessary to assess her as an artist, accountable only to another kind of history, and it seems possible that on this level, film history will preserve the honours which have been given her.   
Hull (139-140)
The grave of  Großadmiral Alfred von Tirpitz from the Süddeutsche Wochenschau in 1930 and today. It was he who transformed the Imperial German Navy from little more than a coastal defence force into the High Seas Fleet; his contribution to the Anglo-German naval race is a main focus at GCSE history textbooks focussing on the causes of the Great War. Tirpitz was a dominant personality of the emperor William II's reign and  yet, ironically once the war began his battleships remained largely idle in the face of the more powerful and experienced Royal Navy. The admiral, who was Navy Secretary in the German cabinet, responded by instigating and vigorously supporting unlimited submarine warfare against the Allied powers, a policy that, whatever its military merits, proved a public relations disaster. Tirpitz's colossal misjudgements were thus substantially responsible for many of the disasters that befell Germany and the world in the 20th century. During World War II, the battleship named after him was sunk in a Norwegian fjord by British bombers and midget submarines.
Stepan Andriyovych Bandera (Ukrainian: Степан Андрійович Бандера; 1 January 1909 – 15 October 1959) was a Ukrainian political activist and leader of the Ukrainian nationalist and independence movement. Bandera is a controversial historical figure honoured by the contemporary Ukrainian nationalist movement, including the Right Sector[1][2] and at the same time condemned by some ethnic Poles[3][4] and Jews.[5][6]  In 1934, he was arrested in Lwów (in Ukrainian, Lviv) by Polish authorities and was tried twice: for involvement in the assassination of the Polish minister of internal affairs, Bronisław Pieracki; and at a general trial of Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists executives. He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to death, but the sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.  In September 1939, while Poland was being invaded, under unclear circumstances Bandera managed to be freed from prison and proceeded to work, with German support, for an uprising in the Kresy. These eastern Polish territories had a majority Ukrainian population, and went on to become modern Western Ukraine. At the same time, he tried to stoke unrest in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, modern Eastern Ukraine. His goal was to establish a unified Ukrainian state, composed of areas where the majority of inhabitants were ethnic Ukrainians, but that had been under the control of Poland and the Soviet Union.  On 30 June 1941, eight days after Germany's attack on the Soviet Union, Bandera in Lviv proclaimed an independent Ukrainian state. His militant branch of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) thought that, in their struggle against the Soviet Union, they had a powerful ally in Nazi Germany. But the Germans arrested the newly formed Ukrainian government and sent them to concentration camps in Germany. Bandera was imprisoned by the Nazis until September 1944.  At that juncture, with the war going very badly against Germany, Bandera was released in the hope that he would fight the advancing Soviet forces. He established his headquarters in Berlin and received German financial, material, and personnel support for his Ukrainian Insurgent Army.  After the war, in 1959, in Munich, Germany, Bandera was assassinated by the KGB (Soviet security agency).[7][8]  Assessments of his work have ranged from totally apologetic to sharply negative.[9] On 22 January 2010, the outgoing President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded Bandera the posthumous title of Hero of Ukraine.[10] The award was condemned by European Parliament, Russian, Polish and Jewish organizations[11][12][13][14] and was declared illegal by the following Ukrainian government and a court decision in April 2010. In January 2011, the award was officially annulled.[15]  Stepan Bandera remains a controversial figure today both in Ukraine and internationally.[16]  Contents      1 Life         1.1 Early life         1.2 Education     2 Political activism         2.1 Early activities         2.2 OUN         2.3 Formation of Mobile Groups         2.4 Formation of the UPA     3 Collaboration with Nazi Germany     4 Postwar activity     5 Views towards other ethnic groups         5.1 Poles         5.2 Jews     6 Death         6.1 Family     7 Legacy         7.1 Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera         7.2 Legacy of Bandera during the 2014 Crimean crisis and 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine         7.3 Hero of Ukraine award (annulled)         7.4 Honorary citizen titles         7.5 Monuments         7.6 Museums         7.7 Streets     8 References     9 External links  Life Early life Family house of the Bandera family in Staryy Uhryniv  Born in the village of Uhryniv Staryi, in the Kalush District of Galiсia, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, in present day Ukraine, Stepan's father, Andriy Bandera, was the Greek-Catholic rite parish priest of Uhryniv Staryi. His mother, Myroslava, was also from an established clerical family, the daughter of a Greek-Catholic priest in Uhryniv Staryi.  Stepan spent his childhood in Uhryniv Staryi, in the house of his parents and grandparents.  In the spring of 1922, his mother died from tuberculosis of the throat. Education  Bandera attended the Fourth Form Grammar School in Stryi,[17] where he also participated in sporting activities with the Sokil sports Society. Stepan Bandera a member of Plast (1923)  In 1923, at the age of 14, Bandera joined the Ukrainian scout organization "Plast" (Ukrainian: Пласт). Later in his association with Plast, he became a member of the group Chornomortsi (Black Sea Sailors). Bandera received an unconfirmed 4 reprimands during his time as a yunak ("junior"), and is still considered[by whom?] an ideal Plast member.  After graduation from high school in 1927, he planned to attend the Ukrainian College of Technology and Economics in Podebrady in Czechoslovakia, but the Polish authorities did not grant him travel papers.[18]  In 1928, Bandera enrolled in the agronomy program at the Lwów Polytechnika (today, Lviv Polytechnic).[19]—one of the few programs open to Ukrainians at the time.[17] This was due to restrictions placed on minority enrollment—aimed primarily at Jews and Ukrainians—in both secondary schools (gymnasia) and university level institutions by the Polish government.[20]  During his secondary and tertiary education Bandera actively took part in a number of political groups with a nationalist agenda, including in one of the most active of such groups, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the OUN (Ukrainian: Організація Українських Націоналістів). Political activism Early activities  Stepan Bandera had met and associated himself with members of a variety of Ukrainian nationalist organizations throughout his schooling—from Plast, to the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (Ukrainian: Українська Визвольна Організація) and also the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, the OUN (Ukrainian: Організація Українських Націоналістів). The most active of these organizations was the OUN, and the leader of the OUN was Andriy Melnyk.[17]  Because of his determined personality, Stepan Bandera quickly rose through the ranks of these organizations, becoming the chief propaganda officer of the OUN in 1931, the second in command of OUN in Galicia in 1932–33, and the head of the National Executive or the OUN in 1933.[19] Sign pronouncing Polish as the official language in the Wołyń Voivodeship, 1921. Copy written in Ukrainian.  For Bandera, an inclusive policy of nation building was important and therefore, he focused on growing support amongst all classes of Ukrainians in Western parts of Ukraine. In the early 1930s, Bandera was very active in finding and developing groups of Ukrainian nationalists in both Western and Eastern Ukraine.[17] OUN  Stepan Bandera became head of the OUN national executive in Galicia in June 1933. He expanded the OUN's network in the Kresy, directing it against both Poland and the Soviet Union. To stop expropriations, Bandera turned OUN against the Polish officials who were directly responsible for anti-Ukrainian policies. Activities included mass campaigns against Polish tobacco and alcohol monopolies and against the denationalization of Ukrainian youth. He was arrested in Lviv in 1934, and tried twice: first, concerning involvement in a plot to assassinate the minister of internal affairs, Bronisław Pieracki, and second at a general trial of OUN executives. He was convicted of terrorism and sentenced to death.[19]  The death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.[19] He was held in Wronki Prison; in 1938 some of his followers tried unsuccessfully to break him out of the jail.[21]  According to various sources, Bandera was freed in September 1939, either by Ukrainian jailers after Polish jail administration left the jail,[22] by Poles[23] or by the Nazis soon after the German invasion of Poland.[24][25][26]  Soon thereafter Eastern Poland fell under Soviet occupation. Upon release from prison, Bandera moved to Kraków, the capital of the Germany's occupational General Government. There, he came in contact with the leader of the OUN, Andriy Melnyk. In 1940, the differences between the opinions of the two leaders were strained and the OUN split into two factions—the Melnyk faction led by Andriy Melnyk, which preached a more conservative approach to nation-building, (also known as the OUN-M), and the Bandera faction led by S. Bandera, which supported a revolutionary approach, (also known as the OUN-B).[27]  OUN(B) sought support in Germany's military circles, while the OUN(M) sought connections with its ruling clique. In November 1939 about 800 Ukrainian nationalists began training in Abwehr's military camps. In the first days of December, Bandera, without co-ordination with Melnyk, sent a courier to Lviv with directives for preparation of an armed uprising. The courier was intercepted by the NKVD, which had captured some of the OUN(M)'s leaders. Another such attempt was prevented in Autumn 1940. Formation of Mobile Groups  Before the independence proclamation of 30 June 1941, Bandera oversaw the formation of so-called "Mobile Groups" (Ukrainian: мобільні групи) which were small (5-15 members) groups of OUN-B members who would travel from General Government to Western Ukraine and after German advance to Eastern Ukraine to encourage support for the OUN-B and establishing the local authorities ruled by OUN-B activists.[28] This included printing out pamphlets and growing membership in OUN.  In total, approximately 7,000 people participated in these mobile groups, and they found followers among a wide circle of intellectuals, such as Ivan Bahriany, Vasyl Barka, Hryhorii Vashchenko, and many others.[29] Formation of the UPA Further information: Ukrainian Insurgent Army Collaboration with Nazi Germany  OUN leaders Andriy Melnyk and Bandera were recruited before World War II into the Nazi Germany military intelligence Abwehr for espionage, counter-espionage and sabotage. Their goal was to run diversion activities after Germany's attack on the Soviet Union. Myelnik was given code name 'Consul I'. This information is part of the testimony that Abwehr Colonel Erwin Stolze gave on 25 December 1945 and submitted to the Nuremberg trials, with a request to be admitted as evidence.[30][31]  In the spring of 1941, according to the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine and other sources, Bandera held meetings with the heads of Germany's intelligence, regarding the formation of "Nachtigall" and "Roland" Battalions. In spring of that year the OUN received 2.5 million marks for subversive activities inside the USSR.[28][32][33]  Gestapo and Abwehr officials protected Bandera followers, as both organizations intended to use them for their own purposes.[34]  On June 30, 1941, with the arrival of Nazi troops in Ukraine, Bandera and the OUN-B declared an independent Ukrainian State. Some of the published proclamations of the formation of this state say that it "will work closely with the National-Socialist Greater Germany, under the leadership of its leader Adolf Hitler which is forming a new order in Europe and the world and is helping the Ukrainian People to free itself from Moscovite occupation." - as stated in the text of the "Act of Proclamation of Ukrainian Statehood".[28][33] On July 5 however, Bandera was arrested and transferred to Berlin. On July 12, the president of the newly formed Ukrainian state, Yaroslav Stetsko, was also arrested and taken to Berlin. Although released from custody on July 14, both were required to stay in Berlin.  In 1941 relations between Nazi Germany and the OUN-B soured to the point where a Nazi document dated 25 November 1941 stated that "... the Bandera Movement is preparing a revolt in the Reichskommissariat which has as its ultimate aim the establishment of an independent Ukraine. All functionaries of the Bandera Movement must be arrested at once and, after thorough interrogation, are to be liquidated...".[35]  In January 1942, Bandera was transferred to Sachsenhausen concentration camp's special barrack for high-profile political prisoners Zellenbau.[36]  In April 1944 Bandera and his deputy Yaroslav Stetsko were approached by an RSHA official to discuss plans for diversions and sabotage against the Soviet Army.[37]  In September 1944 [38] Bandera was released by [the German authorities] which hoped that he will incite the native populace to fight the advancing Soviet Army. With German consent Bandera set up headquarters in Berlin.[39] Germans supplied OUN-B and UIA by air with arms and equipment. Assigned German personnel and agents trained to conduct terrorist and intelligence activities behind Soviet lines, as well as some OUN-B leaders, were also transported by air until early 1945.[40][41] Postwar activity  According to Stephen Dorril, author of MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service, OUN-B was re-formed in 1946 under the sponsorship of MI6. The organization had been receiving some support from MI6 since the 1930s.[42] One faction of Bandera's organization, associated with Mykola Lebed, became more closely associated with the CIA.[43] Views towards other ethnic groups Poles Monument to Poles killed by UPA, Liszna, Poland  In May 1941 at a meeting in Kraków the leadership of Bandera's OUN faction adopted the program "Struggle and action for OUN during the war" (Ukrainian: "Боротьба й діяльність ОУН під час війни") which outlined the plans for activities at the onset of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union and the western territories of the Ukrainian SSR.[44] Section G of that document –"Directives for organizing the life of the state during the first days" (Ukrainian: "Вказівки на перші дні організації державного життя") outline activity of the Bandera followers during summer 1941 [45] In the subsection of "Minority Policy" the OUN-B ordered the removal of hostile Poles, Jews, and Russians via deportation and the destruction of their respective intelligentsias, stating further that the "so-called Polish peasants must be assimilated" and to "destroy their leaders."  In late 1942, Bandera's organization, the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, was involved in a campaign of ethnic cleansing of Volhynia, and in early 1944, these campaigns began to include Eastern Galicia. It is estimated that about 100,000[46] Poles, mostly women and children along with unarmed men, were killed during the spring and summer campaign of 1943 in Volhynia[47] by the OUN-Bandera which bears primary responsibility for the massacres.  Despite the central role played by Bandera's followers in the massacre of Poles in western Ukraine, Bandera himself was interned in a German concentration camp when the concrete decision to massacre the Poles was made and when the Poles were killed. According to Jaroslaw Hrycak, during his internment, from the summer of 1941, he was not completely aware of events in Ukraine and moreover had serious differences of opinion with Mykola Lebed, the OUN-B leader who remained in Ukraine[48] and who was one of the chief architects of the massacres of Poles.[49] Bandera was thus not directly involved in those massacres.[48] Jews  Unlike competing Polish, Russian, Hungarian or Romanian nationalisms in late imperial Austria, imperial Russia, interwar Poland and Romania, Ukrainian nationalism did not include antisemitism as a core aspect of its program and saw Russians as well as Poles as the chief enemy with Jews playing a secondary role.[50] Nevertheless, Ukrainian nationalism was not immune to the influence of the antisemitic climate in the Eastern and Central Europe,[50] that had already become highly racialized in the late 19th century, and had developed an elaborate anti-Jewish discourse.[51] Two Halicz / Halych Karaites, Anna-Amelia Leonowicz (1925-1949) and her mother, Helena (Ruhama) Leonowicz (1890-1967), paradoxically, became members of the radical organisation of Ukrainian nationalists, Orhanyzatsiia Ukraїns'kykh Natsionalistiv (OUN). According to oral reports by the local Karaites, however, the Leonowicz women collaborated with the Ukrainian nationalists not of their own free will, but under compulsion, while being threatened by the latter.[52]  The predominance of the Soviet central government, rather than the Jewish minority, as the principal perceived enemy of Ukrainian nationalists was highlighted at the OUN-B's Conference in Kraków in 1941 when it declared that "The Jews in the USSR constitute the most faithful support of the ruling Bolshevik regime, and the vanguard of Muscovite imperialism in Ukraine. The Muscovite-Bolshevik government exploits the anti-Jewish sentiments of the Ukrainian masses to divert their attention from the true cause of their misfortune and to channel them in a time of frustration into pogroms on Jews. The OUN combats the Jews as the prop of the Muscovite-Bolshevik regime and simultaneously it renders the masses conscious of the fact that the principal foe is Moscow."[53] In May 1941 at a meeting in Kraków the leadership of Bandera's OUN faction adopted the program "Struggle and action of OUN during the war" (Ukrainian: "Боротьба й діяльність ОУН під час війни") which outlined the plans for activities at the onset of the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union and the western territories of the Ukrainian SSR.[44] Section G of that document –"Directives for organizing the life of the state during the first days" (Ukrainian: "Вказівки на перші дні організації державного життя") outline activity of the Bandera followers during summer 1941 [45] In the subsection of "Minority Policy" the OUN-B ordered: "Moskali, Poles, and Jews that are hostile to us must be exterminated in this struggle, especially those who would resist our regime: deport them to their own lands, importantly: destroy their intelligentsia that may be in the positions of power ... Jews must be isolated, removed from governmental positions in order to prevent sabotage, those who are deemed necessary may only work with an overseer... Jewish assimilation is not possible." [54][55][56] Later in June Yaroslav Stetsko sent to Bandera a report in which he indicated - "We are creating a militia which would help to remove the Jews and protect the population."[57][58] Leaflets spread in the name of Bandera in the same year called for the "destruction" of ""Moscow", Poles, Hungarians and Jewry.[59][60][61] In 1941-1942 while Bandera was cooperating with the Germans, OUN members did take part in anti-Jewish actions. German police at 1941 reported that "fanatic" Bandera followers, organised in small groups were "extraordinarily active" against Jews and communists.[62]  In 1942 German intelligence concluded that Ukrainian nationalists were indifferent to the plight of the Jews and were willing to either kill them or help them, depending on what better served their cause. Several Jews took part in Bandera's underground movement,[63] including one of Bandera's close associates Richard Yary who was also married to a Jewish woman. Another notable Jewish UPA member was Leyba-Itzik "Valeriy" Dombrovsky. According to a report to the Chief of the Security Police in Berlin dated March 30, 1942, "...it has been clearly established that the Bandera movement provided forged passports not only for its own members, but also for Jews.".[64] The false papers were most likely supplied to Jewish doctors or skilled workers who could be useful for the movement.[65]  When Bandera was in conflict with the Germans, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army under his authority sheltered many Jews[66] and included Jewish fighters and medical personnel.[67][68] In the official organ of the OUN-B's leadership, instructions to OUN groups urged those groups to "liquidate the manifestations of harmful foreign influence, particularly the German racist concepts and practices."[69] Death Bandera's grave in Munich, April 2014  On 15 October 1959, Stepan Bandera collapsed outside of Kreittmayrstrasse 7 in Munich and died shortly thereafter. A medical examination established that the cause of his death was poison by cyanide gas.[70] On October 20, 1959, Stepan Bandera was buried in the Waldfriedhof Cemetery in Munich. His grave was desecrated on 17 August 2014 by unknown vandals, who toppled the 1.8 m cross.[71]  Two years after his death, on 17 November 1961, the German judicial bodies announced that Bandera's murderer had been a KGB defector named Bohdan Stashynsky who acted on the orders of Soviet KGB head Alexander Shelepin and Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev.[72] After a detailed investigation against Stashynsky, a trial took place from 8 October to 15 October 1962. Stashynsky was convicted, and on 19 October he was sentenced to eight years in prison. The Federal Court of Justice of Germany confirmed at Karlsruhe that in the Bandera murder, the Soviet secret service was the main guilty party. Family  His brother Aleksandr (who had a PhD in Political Economy from the University of Rome) and brother Vasyl (a graduate in Philosophy, Lviv University) were arrested and interned in Auschwitz, where they were allegedly killed by Polish inmates in 1942.[73]  Andriy Bandera, Stepan's father, was arrested in late May 1941 for harboring an OUN member and transferred to Kiev. In 8 July he was sentenced to death and executed on the 10th. His sisters Oksana and Marta-Maria were arrested by the NKVD in 1941 and sent to a GULAG in Siberia. Both were released in 1960 without the right to return to Ukraine. Marta-Maria died in Siberia in 1982, and Oksana returned to Ukraine in 1989 where she died in 2004. Another sister, Volodymyra, was sentenced to a term in Soviet labor camps from 1946-1956. She returned to Ukraine in 1956.[74] Stepan's brother Bohdan's fate remains unknown, as accounts vary: some sources[who?] say he was killed by the Gestapo in Mykolayiv in 1943, other sources[who?] say he was killed by the NKVD operatives in 1944, but to date even family members have no definite information. Legacy Ukrainian postal stamp commemorating the centennial of Stepan Bandera's birth  The Soviet Union actively campaigned to discredit Bandera and all other Ukrainian nationalist partisans of World War II.[75][76][77][78]  In an interview with Russian newspaper Komsomolskaya Pravda in 2005, former KGB Chief Vladimir Kryuchkov claimed that "the murder of Stepan Bandera was one of the last cases when the KGB disposed of undesired people by means of violence."[79]  In late 2006 the Lviv city administration announced the future transference of the tombs of Stepan Bandera, Andriy Melnyk, Yevhen Konovalets and other key leaders of OUN/UPA to a new area of Lychakivskiy Cemetery specifically dedicated to victims of the repressions of the Ukrainian national liberation struggle.[80]  In October 2007, the city of Lviv erected a statue dedicated to Bandera.[81] The appearance of the statue has engendered a far-reaching debate about the role of Stepan Bandera and UPA in Ukrainian history. The two previously erected statues were blown up by unknown perpetrators; the current is guarded by a militia detachment 24/7. On October 18, 2007, the Lviv City Council adopted a resolution establishing the "Award of Stepan Bandera."[82][83]  On January 1, 2009 his 100th birthday was celebrated in several Ukrainian centres[84][85][86][87][88] and a postage stamp with his portrait was issued the same day.[89]  On January 1, 2014 Bandera's 105th birthday was celebrated by a torchlight procession of 15,000 people in the centre of Kiev and thousands more rallied near his statue in Lviv.[90][91][92] The march was supported by the far-right Svoboda party and some members of the center-right Batkivshchyna.[93] Attitudes in Ukraine towards Bandera Lviv soccer fans at a game against Donetsk. The banner reads in Ukrainian, "Bandera – our hero"  Bandera continues to be a divisive figure in Ukraine. Although Bandera is venerated in certain parts of western Ukraine, and 33% of Lviv's residents consider themselves to be followers of Bandera,[94] in surveys of Ukraine as a whole he, along with Joseph Stalin and Mikhail Gorbachev, is considered among the three historical figures who produce the most negative attitudes.[95] A national survey conducted in Ukraine in 2009 inquired about attitudes by region towards Bandera's faction of the OUN. It produced the following results: In Galicia (provinces of Lviv, Ternopil, and Ivano-Frankivsk) 37% had a "very positive" opinion of Bandera, 26% a "mostly positive" opinion, 20% were neutral, "mostly negative", 6% very negative, and 6% unsure. In Volhynia, 5% had a very positive opinion, 20% a mostly positive opinion, 57% were neutral, 7% were mostly negative, 5% very negative and 7% were unsure. In Transcarpathia 4% of the respondents had a very positive opinion, 32% a mostly positive opinion, 50% were neutral, none had a mostly negative opinion, 7% had a very negative opinion and 7% were unsure. In contrast, in central Ukraine (comprising the capital Kiev, as well as the provinces of Zhytomyr, Cherkasy, Chernihiv, Poltava, Sumy, Vinnytsia, and Kirovohrad) attitudes towards Bandera's faction of the OUN were 3% very positive, 10% mostly positive, 24% neutral, 17% mostly negative, 21% very negative and 25% unsure. In Eastern Ukraine (the provinces of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk and Zaporizhia) 1% each had very positive or mostly positive attitudes towards Bandera's OUN, 19% were neutral, 13% mostly negative, 26% very negative and 20% unsure. In Ukraine's south (the Odessa, Mykolaiv and Kherson regions plus Crimea) 1% each were very or mostly positive, 13% were neutral, 31% mostly negative, 48% very negative and 25% were unsure. In Ukraine as a whole, 6% of Ukrainians had a very positive opinion, 8% a mostly positive opinion, 23% were neutral, 15% had a mostly negative opinion, 30% had a very negative opinion, and 18% were unsure.[96] Legacy of Bandera during the 2014 Crimean crisis and 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine Headquarters of the Euromaidan, Kiev, January 2014. At the front entrance there is a portrait of Bandera.  During the 2014 Crimean crisis and 2014 pro-Russian conflict in Ukraine pro-Russian Ukrainians, Russians (in Russia) and some Western authors [97] alluded to the (in their opinion) bad influence of Bandera on Euromaidan protesters and pro-Ukrainian Unity supporters in justifying their actions.[98] Russian media used this to justify Russia's actions.[16] Putin welcomed the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation by declaring that he "was saving them from the new Ukrainian leaders who are the ideological heirs of Bandera, Hitler's accomplice during World War II".[16] Pro-Russian activists claimed "Those people in Kiev are Bandera-following Nazi collaborators".[16] And Ukrainians living in Russia complained of being labelled a "Banderite" (even when they were from parts of Ukraine where Bandera has no popular support).[16] Groups who do idolize Bandera did take part in the Euromaidan protests, but were a minority element.[16][99] Hero of Ukraine award (annulled)  On January 22, 2010, on the Day of Unity of Ukraine, the then-President of Ukraine Viktor Yushchenko awarded to Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine (posthumously) for "defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state."[100] A grandson of Bandera, also named Stepan, accepted the award that day from the Ukrainian President during the state ceremony to commemorate the Day of Unity of Ukraine at the National Opera House of Ukraine.[100][101][102][103]  Reactions to Bandera's award vary. This award has been condemned by the Simon Wiesenthal Center[104] and the Student Union of French Jews.[105] On the same day, numerous Ukrainian media, such as the Russian language Segodnya, published articles in that regard mentioning the case of Yevhen Berezniak, a widely known Ukrainian Soviet World War II veteran, considering to renounce his own Hero of Ukraine title.[106] The representatives from several antifascist organizations in neighboring Slovakia condemned the award to Bandera, calling Yushchenko's decision a provocation was reported by RosBisnessConsulting referring to Radio Praha.[107] On February 25, 2010, the European Parliament criticized the decision by then president of Ukraine, Yushchenko to award Bandera the title of Hero of Ukraine and expressed hope it would be reconsidered.[108] On May 14, 2010 in a statement, the Russian Foreign Ministry said about the award: "that the event is so odious that it could no doubt cause a negative reaction in the first place in Ukraine. Already it is known a position on this issue of a number of Ukrainian politicians, who believe that solutions of this kind do not contribute to the consolidation of Ukrainian public opinion".[109]  On the other hand, the decree was applauded by Ukrainian nationalists, in western Ukraine and by a small portion of Ukrainian-Americans.[110][111] On January 25, 2010, the head of the Czech Confederation political prisoners Nadia Kavalirova expressed support for the decision of the Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko to award the title of Hero of Ukraine to Stepan Bandera, stating "It is good that he (Yushchenko) made this step; many Czech politicians can draw lessons from it..."  On February 9, 2010, the Poland's Senate Marshal Bogdan Borusewicz said at a meeting with the head of Russia's Federation Council Sergei Mironov, that adaptation of the Hero title of Ukraine to Bandera is an internal matter of the Ukrainian government.[112]  On March 3, 2010, the Ivano-Frankivsk regional council called on the European Parliament to review this resolution.[113]  Taras Kuzio, a senior fellow in the chair of Ukrainian studies at the University of Toronto, has suggested Yushchenko awarded Bandera the award in order to frustrate Yulia Tymoshenko's chances to get elected President during the Ukrainian Presidential elections 2010.[114]  President Viktor Yanukovych stated on March 5, 2010 he would make a decision to repeal the decrees to honour the title as Heroes of Ukraine to Bandera and fellow nationalist Roman Shukhevych before the next Victory Day,[115] although the Hero of Ukraine decrees do not stipulate the possibility that a decree on awarding this title can be annulled.[116] On April 2, 2010, an administrative Donetsk region court ruled the Presidential decree awarding the title to be illegal. According to the court's decision, Bandera wasn't a citizen of the Ukrainian SSR (vis-à-vis Ukraine).[117][118][119][120]  On April 5, 2010, the Constitutional Court of Ukraine refused to start constitutional proceedings on the constitutionality of the President Yushchenko decree the award was based on. A ruling by the court was submitted by the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea on January 20, 2010.[121]  In January 2011, the presidential press service informed that the award was officially annulled.[15][122] This was done after a cassation appeals filed against the ruling by Donetsk District Administrative Court was rejected by the Higher Administrative Court of Ukraine on January 12, 2011.mFormer President Yushchenko called the annulment "a gross error" 
The grave of Stepan Andriyovych Bandera, the leader of the Ukrainian nationalist movement which fought for Ukrainian independence. Stepan Bandera was responsible for the proclamation of an Independent Ukrainian State in Lviv on June 30, 1941, eight days after Germany's attack against the USSR. Members of Bandera's Ukrainian nationalist movement thought that they had found a new powerful ally in Nazi Germany to aid them in their struggle against the Soviet Union. Instead the Germany leadership arrested the newly formed government and sent them to concentration camps in Germany. Bandera was arrested and imprisoned by the Nazis until September 1944. Bandera was assassinated in 1959 by the KGB. He was named Hero of Ukraine (posthumously) for "defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state."
 Bandera lived here at Kreittmayrstrasse 7 where, in the entrance, KGB agent Bohdan Stashinsky assassinated him on October 15, 1959. A medical examination established that the cause of his death was poison (cyanide gas). 
An article on his dividing legacy today

Westfriedhof
 
My bike outside the cemetery
 
Ernst Röhm's grave within. Ernst Julius Günther Röhm was a German officer in the Bavarian Army and later an early Nazi leader. He was a co-founder of the Sturmabteilung (SA), the Nazi Party militia, and later was its commander. In 1934, as part of the Night of the Long Knives, he was executed on Adolf Hitler's orders as a potential rival. It mistakenly dates his death a day earlier.
The chief of the SA was the only senior Nazi who expressed anti-Hitler views in public. He was the Führer’s only threat (Fest, 1973, p. 476). By March 1934 Röhm was demanding that several thousand SA men be taken in the army at once. Within a few months, during early Summer 1934, reports began circulating around government circles that Röhm was planning an armed revolt.
‘Adolf is a swine’, he swore. ‘He will give us all away. He only associates with reactionaries now. His old friends aren’t good enough for him. Getting matey with the East Prussian generals. They’re his cronies now.’
He was jealous and hurt.
‘Adolf is turning into a gentleman. He’s got himself a tail-coat now!’ he mocked.

He drank a glass of water and grew calmer.
‘Adolf knows exactly what I want. I’ve told him often enough. Not a second edition of the old imperial army. Are we revolutionaries or aren’t we? Allons, enfants de la patrie! If we are, then something new must arise out of our élan, like the mass armies of the French Revolution. If we’re not, then we’ll go to the dogs. We’ve got to produce something new, don’t you see? A new discipline. A new principle of organization. The generals are a lot of old fogeys. They never had a new idea.’
‘Adolf has learnt from me. Everything he knows about military matters, I’ve taught him. War is something more than armed clashes. You won’t make a revolutionary army out of the old Prussia NCOs. But Adolf is and remains a civilian, an “artist”, an idler. “Don’t bother me”, that’s all he thinks. What he wants is to sit on the hilltop and pretend he’s God. And the rest of us have to sit around doing nothing.’
He filled his glass, with wine this time, and went on:
‘They expect me to hang about with a lot of old pensioners, a herd of sheep. I’m the nucleus of the new army, don’t you see that? Don’t you understand that what’s coming must be new, fresh and unused? The basis must be revolutionary. You can’t inflate it afterwards. You only get the opportunity once to make something new and big that will help us lift the world off its hinges. But Hitler puts me off with fair words. He wants to let things run their course. He expects a miracle. Just like Adolf!..." 

H. Rauschning, Hitler Speaks, 1939, pp. 154–5
Kershaw records Hitler's reluctance to kill his closest confidante: 
Hitler arrived back in Berlin around ten o’clock on the evening of 30 June, tired, drawn, and unshaven, to be met by Göring, Himmler, and a guard of honour. He hesitated until late the following morning about the fate of the former SA Chief of Staff. He was, it seems, put under pressure by Himmler and Göring to have Röhm liquidated. In the early afternoon of Sunday 1 July, during a garden party at the Reich Chancellery for cabinet members and their wives, Hitler finally agreed. Even now, however, he was keen that Röhm take his own life rather than be ‘executed’. Theodor Eicke, Commandant of Dachau Concentration Camp, was ordered to go to Stadelheim and offer Röhm the chance to recognize the enormity of his actions by killing himself. If not, he was to be shot. Along with his deputy, SS-Sturmbannführer Michael Lippert, and a third ϟϟ man from the camp, Eicke drove to Stadelheim. Röhm was left with a pistol. After ten minutes, no shot had been heard, and the pistol was untouched on the small table near the door of the cell, where it had been left. Eicke and Lippert returned to the cell, each with pistol drawn, signalled to Röhm, standing and bare-chested, and trying to speak, that they would wait no longer, took careful aim, and shot him dead. Hitler’s published announcement was terse: ‘The former Chief of Staff Röhm was given the opportunity to draw the consequences of his treacherous behaviour. He did not do so and was thereupon shot.’
On 2 July, Hitler formally announced the end of the ‘cleansing action’. Some estimates put the total number killed at 150–200 persons.
With the SA still in a state of shock and uncertainty, the purge of its mass membership began under the new leader, the Hitler loyalist Viktor Lutze. Within a year, the SA had been reduced in size by over 40 per cent. Many subordinate leaders were dismissed in disciplinary hearings. The structures built up by Röhm as the foundation of his power within the organization were meanwhile systematically dismantled. The SA was turned into little more than a military sports and training body. For anyone still harbouring alternative ideas, the ruthlessness shown by Hitler had left its own unmistakable message.
 
The grave of ϟϟ-Gruppenführer Hans Baur, Hitler's pilot during his political campaigns of the 1920s and 1930s. It was he who piloted Hitler’s flight over the Baltic on November 6, 1933, in which the plane lost its bearings. Allegedly, Hitler suddenly ordered the pilot to change course by 180 degrees against the pilot’s will, thus rescuing the aircraft from certain destruction. In fact, Baur later related that the plane lost its orientation as a result of limited visibility and malfunctioning radio direction finding. Due to the length of time already spent in the air, Hitler feared that the plane might have passed Schleswig-Holstein and already be flying over the North Sea. Baur decided to set his course south in search of land; when he sighted a city on the coast, he made a futile attempt to decipher its name on the railway station sign. Hitler, however, recognized a meeting hall where he had once spoken and was thus able to identify the place as Wismar. That was the sum of his contribution toward “rescuing” the plane.
At the end of this third “Flight over Germany” campaign, Hitler presented a signed portrait to Baur with the following dedication:
To the magnificent pilot of D 1720, Captain Baur, in grateful memory of the three “Flights over Germany.”
With kindest regards, Adolf Hitler
He later became Hitler's personal pilot and leader of the Reichsregierung squadron. Captured by the Soviets at the end of World War II in Europe, he endured ten years of imprisonment in the USSR before being released on 10 October 1955 to the French, who then imprisoned him until 1957.

The grave of Anton Drexler and as he appeared when played by Robert Glenister in the risible Hitler: The Rise of Evil. In 1918, he, Karl Harrer (a sports journalist and member of the Thule Society), and Dietrich Eckart, founded the German Workers' Party (DAP) January 5, 1919. It was during one its meetings at the Sterneckerbrau on September 1919 that Hitler encountered the group. Drexler approached Hitler and thrust his booklet My Political Awakening into his handand invited him to join the DAP. Hitler accepted on 12 September 1919, becoming the party's 55th member. In less than a week, Hitler received a postcard from Drexler stating he had officially been accepted as a DAP member and he should come to a "committee" meeting to discuss it. Hitler attended the "committee" meeting held at the run-down Alte Rosenbad beer-house.
By 1921, Hitler was rapidly becoming the undisputed leader of the Party. In June 1921, while Hitler and Eckart were on a fundraising trip to Berlin, a mutiny broke out within the NSDAP in Munich. Members of its executive committee wanted to merge with the rival German Socialist Party (DSP). Hitler returned to Munich on 11 July and angrily tendered his resignation. The committee members realised that the resignation of their leading public figure and speaker would mean the end of the party. Hitler announced he would rejoin on the condition that he would replace Drexler as party chairman, and that the party headquarters would remain in Munich. The committee agreed; he rejoined the party as member 3,680. Drexler was thereafter moved to the purely symbolic position of honorary president, and left the Party in 1923. His membership in the NSDAP ended when it was temporarily outlawed in 1923 following the Beer Hall Putsch, in which Drexler had not taken part. In 1924 he was elected to the Bavarian state parliament for another party, in which he served as vice-president until 1928. He had no part in the NSDAP's refounding in 1925, and rejoined only after Hitler had come to power in 1933. He received the party's Blood Order in 1934 and was still occasionally used as a propaganda tool until about 1937, but he was never again allowed any real power or played an active part in the movement. He died in Munich in February 1942.
 
Hitler's membership card (signed by Drexler and given the number 555 to make it appear the tiny organisation had a much larger membership). On the right is Drexler's former home at Burghausener Straße 6 as it appears today north of Munich's main rail station.  

Also located in Westfriedhof is the grave of the former Empress of Iran, Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiar:


Ostfriedhof
 
Hitler at the burial of Dr. Gerhard Wagner on March 27, 1938. It had been Wagner who had been 
pressing for radical measures to bring about the ‘destruction of life not worth living’. Hitler reportedly told him that he would ‘take up and carry out the questions of euthanasia’ in the event of a war. He was ‘of the opinion that such a problem could be more smoothly and easily carried out in war’, and that resistance, as was to be expected from the Churches, would then have less of an impact than in peacetime. He intended, therefore, ‘in the event of a war radically to solve the problem of the mental asylums’.
For the next three years, Hitler had little involvement with the ‘euthanasia’ issue. Others were more active. Evidently encouraged by Hitler’s remarks that he did intend, once the opportunity presented itself through the war for which the regime was preparing, to introduce a ‘euthanasia programme’, Reich Doctors’ Leader Wagner pushed forward discussions on how the population should be prepared for such action. Calculations were published on the cost of upkeep of the mentally sick and hereditarily ill, instilling the impression of what could be done for the good of the people with vast resources now being ‘wasted’ on ‘useless’ lives. Cameras were sent into the asylums to produce scenes to horrify the German public and convince them of the need to eliminate those portrayed as the dregs of society for the good of the whole population. The National Socialist Racial and Political Office produced five silent films of this kind between 1935 and 1937. 
Kershaw (319) Hitler
 The grave of Julius Schaub, described by Kershaw as formerly the head of Hitler's bodyguard, 
a putsch veteran who had been in prison in Landsberg with Hitler and in his close attendance ever since, looking after his confidential papers, carrying money for the ‘Chief ’s’ use, acting as his personal secretary, general factotum, and ‘notebook.’
Hitler hired Schaub on January 1, 1925 to serve as his personal assistant, and was one of Hitler's personal adjutants until 1945 and in constant close contact with Hitler. The good relationship with his boss appeared among others in the participation of Hitler as a witness at Schaub's second wedding. He was identified as "Hitler's personal Adjutant" in the 1935 film Triumph of the Will.  In the aftermath of the July 20 Plot to kill Hitler in 1944, Hitler had a badge struck to honour all those injured or killed in the blast. Hitler's aides later said that Schaub, who was in a building some distance from the explosion, falsely tried to claim he was injured so as to be able to wear the badge.  Near the end of the war, on April 23, 1945, Hitler ordered Schaub to burn all his personal belongings and papers from the Reichskanzlei (Reich Chancellery) and the Führerbunker in the garden of the Reichskanzlei. Schaub then flew to Munich and did the same in Hitlers private apartment at Prinzregentenplatz and at the Berghof in Obersalzberg. Finally he went to Zell am See and Mallnitz and destroyed Hitler's personal Train, the "Fuehrerzug". Possessing false ID papers with the name "Josef Huber", he was arrested on May 8, 1945 in Kitzbuehl by American troops (36th CIC Det.), and remained in custody until February 17, 1949.  Since both U.S. military and German denazification authorities didn't see any participation in war crimes in the period of 1933-1945, Schaub was classified by the denazification only as a "fellow traveller". An indictment for war crimes did not come accordingly. His final rank, from 1944, was as an SS-Obergruppenführer. Schaub died in Munich in 1967.
 
Last photographs of Hitler alive as he inspects the damage made to the Chancellery with his personal adjutant Julius Schaub. The photograph was taken by the same photographer who took the one of Hitler inspecting the Hitlerjugend in the Reichschancellery garden on April 20, 1945.
 
Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht was a German economist, banker, liberal politician, and co-founder in 1918 of the German Democratic Party. He served as the Currency Commissioner and President of the Reichsbank under the Weimar Republic. He was a fierce critic of his country's post-World War I reparation obligations.  He became a supporter of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, and served in Hitler's government as President of the Reichsbank and Minister of Economics. As such, Schacht played a key role in implementing the policies attributed to Hitler. Since he opposed the policy of German re-armament spearheaded by Hitler and other prominent Nazis, Schacht was first sidelined and then forced out of the Third Reich government beginning in December 1937, therefore he had no role during World War II. He became a fringe member of the German Resistance to Hitler and was imprisoned by the Nazis after the plot of 20 July 1944. After the war, he was tried at Nuremberg and acquitted.

 
Rudolf Christoph Freiherr von Gersdorff was an officer in the German Army who had attempted to assassinate Adolf Hitler by suicide bombing in March 1943; the plan failed but he was undetected. On 21 March 1943, Hitler visited the Zeughaus Berlin, the old armoury on Unter den Linden, to inspect captured Soviet weapons. A group of top Nazi and leading military officials—among them Hermann Göring, Heinrich Himmler, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, and Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz—were present as well. As an expert, von Gersdorff was to guide Hitler on a tour of the exhibition. Moments after Hitler entered the museum, von Gersdorff set off two ten-minute delayed fuses on explosive devices hidden in his coat pockets. His plan was to throw himself around Hitler in a death embrace that would blow them both up. A detailed plan for a coup d'état had been worked out and was ready to go; but, contrary to expectations, Hitler raced through the museum in less than ten minutes. After he had left the building, von Gersdorff was able to defuse the devices in a public bathroom “at the last second.” After the attempt, von Gersdorff was immediately transferred back to the Eastern Front where he managed to evade suspicion.  Prior to the 20 July plot, von Gersdorff also had hidden the explosives and fuses that another conspirator, Wessel von Freytag-Loringhoven, managed to procure from the Abwehr’s cache of captured British weapons and which Claus Schenk Graf von Stauffenberg was to use in his attempt to kill Hitler. Miraculously, and thanks to the silence of his imprisoned and tortured co-conspirators, von Gersdorff was able to escape arrest and certain execution. As a result, he was one of the few German military anti-Hitler plotters to survive the war (others included Axel Freiherr von dem Bussche-Streithorst and Eberhard von Breitenbuch).
In April 1943 he discovered the mass graves of the Soviet-perpetrated Katyn massacre. In 1979 he was awarded West Germany's Bundesverdienstkreuz (Federal Cross of Merit).