As conceived for the film 55 Days At Peking (1963)
The entrance to the Forbidden City then and now
The British Legation- then and now, serving as the Ministry of State Security. Here the majority of besieged diplomats, families and Chinese sheltered during the attacks against them by the Chinese state.
The remains of the Russian Legation, being destroyed as I last visited to pick up relicsUS marines in front of the Tartar Wall with the Chien Men tower on the right, one of the gates into the Legation Quarter
The Japanese Legation, the Chinese flag defiantly flying above the current headquarters of the Beijing Municipal Government...
... and when the rising sun flew over
Part of what had served as the Japanese legation
The former Yokohama Specie Bank
The French post office
St. Michael's Church (also known as Dongjiaomin Catholic Church) was built during 1902 on the site of a church destroyed during the Boxer Rebellion
The Former Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China with its foundation date
The Summer Palace circa 1850 and now
During the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge Incident in Lugouqiao outside Peking in Wanping
Chinese troops in Wanping and the east gate of the Wanping Fortress todayOutside the so-called Memorial Hall of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression inside Wanping Fortress
The Great Wall from an 1887 set of engravings based on photographs taken by a Soldier of Sir Frederick Bruce's Bodyguard
Chiang Kai-shek above the Tian'anmen Rostrum, replaced now for the time being, by Mao
The British army entering Lhasa during the 1904 Younghusband Mission with me holding Chinese occupation money, showing how the city has suffered since.
The Potala Palace from the time of the 1938-1939 German Expedition to Tibet, a German scientific expedition from May 1938 to August 1939, led by German zoologist and SS officer Ernst Schäfer. Reichsführer-SS Himmler was attempting to avail himself of the reputation of Ernst Schäfer for Nazi propaganda and asked about his future plans. Ernst Schäfer responded he wanted to lead another expedition to Tibet. Ernst Schäfer wished his expedition to be under the patronage of the cultural department of the foreign affairs or of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft ("German Research Foundation") as indicated by his requests. Himmler was fascinated by Asian mysticism and therefore wished to send such an expedition under the auspices of the SS Ahnenerbe (SS Ancestral Heritage Society), and desired that Schäfer perform research based on Hanns Hörbiger’s pseudo-scientific theory of "Glacial Cosmogony" promoted by the Ahnenerbe. Schäfer had scientific objectives, and he therefore refused to include Edmund Kiss, an adept of this theory, in his team, and requested 12 conditions to obtain scientific freedom. Wolfram Sievers from the Ahnenerbe therefore expressed criticism concerning the objectives of the expedition, so that Ahnenerbe would not sponsor it. Himmler accepted the expedition to be organized on the condition that all its members become SS. In order to succeed in his expedition, Schäfer had to compromise.
Gyantse 1904: The British Liberation of Tibet
Scene 1: Introduction
Here we start with an aged David Austin, a good foot shorter than his younger version, with blue eyes and thick Aussie accent, who fulfils his dream of leaving the Outback to go to the very roof of the world to converse fluently with the Tibetans he so desperately wants to liberate from the vile clutches of the Chinese imperialists.
Scene 2: Beginning of a beautiful, tragic friendship
Supposed to be set in Calcutta in British India but for some reason the site is unmistakably Kathmandu. Notice the prevalence of jeans, T-shirts and mopeds in 1903 Nepal, far more modern and technologically-advanced than how it ended the century, as we are introduced properly to our hero- Austin- who literally bumps into the man who will haunt the rest of his life. Note the Indian soldiers; it is they that lost the jewel in the Imperial Crown as shown here.
Scene 3: Lord Curzon and Younghusband explain the proposed Liberation
This scene early in the first instalment of the inspirational Gyantse 1904- The British Liberation of Tibet starts in the meeting room of Lord Curzon's private residence in Calcutta June 18, 1903 and ends with his plan in his office. The cassus belli is clear- besides increasing Russian influence and continuing doleful oppression of the Chinese, as Curzon would write, the situation was now getting completely out of hand:
We now learn that Tibetan troops attacked Nepalese yaks on the frontier and carried many of them off. This is an overt act of hostility.Scene 4: The British entering Tibet, 1903
Here we join Colonel Younghusband and his intrepid Scot interpreter David Austin (yours truly) as they lead the British into Tibet to liberate that unfortunate people from Chinese fascist, imperialist oppression. It is here that Younghusband levels the damning charges against the Tibetans- the Dalai Lama having the effrontery of returning Viceroy Curzon's letters unread, goats being stolen from the people of Sikkim to which Britain provides its benevolent protection, trade with British India being hampered at every turn, and the Conventions of 1890 and 1893 all but being spat upon. As Peter Fleming (Ian's brother) wrote in Bayonets to Lhasa, the Tibetans' behaviour "was based four-square on infantile obstinacy."
Scene 5: Fruitless Negotiations with those bloody Tibetans
The British see their indomitable patience and tolerance tested to the ultimate extreme by Tibetan recalcitrance and tricky backsliding. Again they are unable to find a friendly, peaceful solution and discover to their dismay that only force is understood on the roof of the world. What makes this scene all the more haunting is the reunion of Austin and Don Grub, representing two completely different worlds but at heart indefatigable patriots.
Scene 6: At stately Pha Lha manor
Younghusband tries to communicate with the head of Pha Lha manor in order to obtain lodgings and provisions before his historic meeting with the Dalai Lama.
Scene 7: Yet More Fruitless Negotiation with Tibetans
The British continue to see their indomitable patience and tolerance tested to the extreme by Tibetan recalcitrance and tricky backsliding. Again they are unable to find a friendly, peaceful solution and discover to their dismay that only force is understood on the roof of the world.
Scene 8: The misunderstanding at Chumi Shengo
The tragic misunderstanding at Chumi Shengo (Qumei Xiankou) and the aftermath as I portray David Austin in homage to the performance of Eli Wallach as Tuco from The Good, The Bad and The Ugly without the benefit of an Ennio Morricone soundtrack. Former student Michael Connolly has an admirable cameo. The second part reveals the dénouement
Scene 9: End of a Friendship
End to a remarkable friendship begins with savage violence and ends in a disturbing image of one looking wistfully at the other as he sleeps, thus changing the entire context of the film and covering it in ambiguity.
Scene 10: Under the stars with the General
Here after an imperial war council, I share a quiet word with General Macdonald in the darkness of a moonlit Tibetan forest.
Scene 11: No sex, please- we're Tibetans
The aged David Austin returns to his former haunts high in the Himalayas to hunt for his special lost friend from the past, Don Grub, who is shown in an obligatory romantic scene in which he appears to shun all contact with the weaker sex.
Scene 12: Yet more time-wasting with Tibetans
Another tedious round of negotiations with stubborn, intransigent Tibetans.
Scene 13: The strains show
Strains within Younghusband mission show between Younghusband and the head of the military forces intent on liberating the poor Tibetans from the nefarious Chinese.
Tibetans, who drink horrid butter tea and thus can ingest anything, are shown insulting the British by spilling out their tea. Given the past history of such insults dating from the Boston rebels, this obscene act demands a strong, resolute response.
Scene 14: The British being attacked by Tibetan thugs and suicide bombers
The Tibetan sneak attack of May 5, 1904 by reactionaries and the ruling class begins against Colonel Younghusband's peaceful, progressive mission in this thrilling scene from the epic 1904- The British Liberation of Tibet. Whilst Lt.Col. Brander is off with his force to Karo La, Younghusband and I are left vulnerable at our riverside camp at Changlo. In the second part I successfully run away from the Tibetans, while former student Michael Connolly dies for the first time in the film.
Scene 15: "Oh my God- The Stone-Throwers!"
Michael Connolly, as the only Caucasian member of the British army, is resurrected long enough to exclaim these immortal lines as British liberators murdered by terrorist suicide bombers on the roof of the world at Tsamdang (Red Idol) Gorge near Kala Tso salt lake. As Younghusband related in India and Tibet,
On the way to Gyantse, at the Tsamdang Gorge, the Tibetans again opposed our progress by building a wall across the narrow passage. But General Macdonald dislodged them and inflicted heavy loss, and on April 11 we arrived at Gyantse.Scene 16: Colonel Younghusband and David Austin share an intimate moment
In this touching scene involving a cartoon featuring a lion about to shoot a rabbit, Colonel Younghusband explains the humane concerns of the British Empire to see Tibet free, modern, and able at last to import Newcastle brown ale.
Scene 17: British battle for Nenying temple
British forces heroically battle against the Buddhist stronghold of Nenying, fanatically defended by some crazy woman with a long, very sharp sword. All I really do is stand on top of a hill and mutter "tsk tsk tsk... the humanity" as I struggle to understand why...
Scene 18: Soul-searching in a remote Tibetan temple
Scene of aching beauty as Younghusband and Austin encounter each other in the recesses of a Tibetan temple, each with conflicting thoughts and desperate dreams. Rather like that scene from On the Waterfront.
Scene 19: Yet MORE fruitless negotiations with Tibetans
This time the Chinese send their own emissary to sow dissension and pervert harmony for their own ends. I serve as interpretor to this devious mandarin.The roots of the 1959 invasion and subsequent anschluss lie here.
Scene 20: Murder on a roof on the roof of the world
More evidence of Tibetan barbarism as forces in the pay of Chinese imperialists brutally murder a pair of Indian soldiers without reason or warning. I can only stand by and watch, impotently, before wandering away to ponder the vicissitudes of bringing civilisation and modernity to the benighted races of the world.
Scene 21: No more negotiations
Tibetan intransigence and Chinese perfidy are forced to make way for British resolve.
Scene 22: The Battle of Gyantse
The British initiate the opening rounds of the final battle before finally being free to march on Lhasa and freeing Tibet once and for all from Chinese intrigue with only a couple hundred soldiers, but not before a unique British soldier valiantly gets slain after standing up on top of an hill for all to see. The battle concludes with the good guys finally vanquishing all stubborn opposition to modernity and development and liberate Tibet from Chinese control and oppression for the next half century. Again former student Michael Connolly (one of two Caucasians in the British army, and an Irishman to boot) gets killed again; the number of times he gets killed in this film outnumbers those of British Imperial forces who were killed during the entire mission in reality.
Scene 23: Aftermath
Austin is left marvelling at the terrific success of the Mission, with Britain easily throwing off the yoke of Chinese oppression and freeing Tibet so that she can at last know the benefits of Anglobalisation, free trade, civilisation, and Newcastle brown ale.
Scene 24: Epilogue
With the Chinese pleading with Britain and America to save them from the Japanese running riot in their country and demanding self-determination for themselves, a grateful Don Grub finally understands the purpose of Younghusband's Mission forty years later and ends the film thanking Austin profusely for Tibet's liberation.
Behind the scenes
Modern Asian Studies 37, 1 (2003), pp. 81–109. 2003 Cambridge University Press DOI:10.1017/S0026749X03001033 Printed in the United Kingdom Officers, Gentlemen and Thieves: The Looting of Monasteries during the 1903/4 Younghusband Mission to Tibet MICHAEL CARRINGTON CoventryUniversity During the early years of British conquest in India [and elsewhere] indiscriminate and frenzied looting often followed military action. Certainly, the acquisition of plunder had always been used as an incentive for the troops, though its distribution was often dispropor- tionate and the source of much discontent.1 Officially appointed prize agents ought to have lessened any animosity, though like the Admir- alty Prize Courts which were a ‘public scandal’, the military agents were mostly thought to be ‘sharks’ and men often went collecting for themselves rather than for the ‘official’ pot.2 By the latter half of the nineteenth century, collection of plunder had also become the ‘collecting’ of curios3 and artefacts for both personal and institutional reasons. This material had become increasingly important in the pro- cess of ‘othering’ Oriental and African societies and was exemplified in the professionalism of exploration and the growth of ethnographic departments in museums, the new ‘temples of Empire’. The gather- ing of information may have reached new heights but the British attempt at a monopoly on knowledge was not particularly ordered or controlled and events within the Empire offered the world’s press numerous opportunities for criticism.4 Nearer home, reports of loot- 1 After the defeat of Tipu Sultan at Seringapatam, General Harris got £150,000, Colonel Wellesley £4,000 and the Indian surgeons and sepoys £5 each. Elizabeth Longford, Wellington: The Years of the Sword (London, 1969), p. 67. 2 Ibid. 3 Though this term became, by 1904, one which was not particularly appreciated by those who wanted the appropriate classification of ‘mere curios into objects of scientific interest’. Annie E. Coombes, Reinventing Africa: Museums Material Culture and Popular Imagination (London, 1994), p. 133. 4 A New York Herald journalist who accompanied newly retired president of the United States Ulysses S. Grant on his 1877 world tour thought that the British had ‘plundered Egypt just as Lord Elgin plundered Greece’, simply in order to provide material for museums. Quoted in, Mike Davis, Late Victorian Holocausts (London, 2001), p. 4. 0026–749X/03/$7.50+$0.10 81 82 MICHAEL CARRINGTON ing often became ammunition in the hands of liberal critics of Empire who had their cause strengthened after the disastrous events of the South African War with its burning, looting and removal of non-combatants to concentration camps. So looting may have become morally questionable, but it was institutionalized and symp- tomatic of the British imperial state’s desire for artefacts with which to provide information about ‘exotic’ societies. There was literally a ‘scramble’ for information out of which, it was hoped, an ordered and systematic scheme of knowledge would realize the dream of an ‘imperial archive’ in which fantasy became reality and ultimate knowledge became ultimate power.5 Importantly, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the gather- ing and dissemination of the formidable amounts of knowledge the colonial state now required, coalesced with the growing popular demand for Oriental artefacts and the opening of Tibet, one of the last great blank spaces on the world map. This particular case study is illustrative of how the British state’s scramble for knowledge and an atavistic desire for plunder produced ideal conditions for the loot- ing of monasteries during the 1903/4 Younghusband mission to Tibet. What follows, is a narrative of events which challenged the fundamentals of moral Empire at a time of flux between its mythical late Victorian benevolence and the new realities of military and industrial international rivalry. I There had been some concern over looting as the nineteenth century came to its close. What had once been standard practice was now considered something that only less civilized peoples might engage in. Late Victorian imperialism, founded on its exclusively European moralistic and religious superiority, frowned upon the excesses of a conquering rabble or an army of occupation. Here was the paradox, the acquisition of information and the production of knowledge had reached new heights, but the exercise of the power, which was needed on occasion to acquire this knowledge, was now constrained by contemporary codes of moral behaviour. This was in contrast to 5See,ThomasRichards,TheImperialArchive:KnowledgeandtheFantasyofEmpire (London, 1993). Richards sees the imperial archive as ‘neither a library or museum . . . [but as a] fantasy of knowledge collected and united in the service of state and Empire’. Ibid., p. 6. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 83 the period of East India Company rule where the looting of Bengal by British nabobs and the later revolt of 1857 offer examples of the systematic looting which often followed a British victory. In the eighteenth century, British merchants in India were often accused of obtaining their immense wealth through morally dubious means, though they protested that ‘the evil was the work of a few bad apples’, or it was their Indian trading partners who ‘squeezed the natives’.6 Traders originally championed as romantic heroes, gained power and wealth but lost respect and public sympathy.7 Association with the Company’s trading practices tainted the reputation of the military who were described as a collection of ‘political renegades, runaway debtors, ne’er-do-wells, illiterates and ancients’;8 this repu- tation was further tarnished by events during the disturbances of 1857. Both officers and men spent the days following the relief of the Residency in Lucknow loading carts with plunder collected from the surrounding palaces.9 After sacking the city the troops roamed the countryside looting and burning villages.10 Similar practices were reported in Delhi though contemporary observers attempted to shift the blame away from Europeans. It was thought ‘the Punjabi races, whose aid had been so material’ to the suppression of the revolt had largely offered their support ‘by the prospect, glorious to them, of the loot of rich Delhi’.11 British officers reluctantly admitted that the ‘European soldiery had been little backward in initiating the example’ though they were not thought to possess the ‘high art and cunning in tracing out its [the loot] whereabouts which marked the efforts of the Sikhs and Punjabis’.12 It is in no doubt that an inordin- 6 Amal Chatterjee, Representations of India 1740–1840 (London, 1998), pp. 34 and 40. 7 Ibid., p. 48. 8 Gerald Bryant, ‘Officers of the East India Company’s Army in the Days of Clive and Hastings’ The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, vol. 6, no. 3, May 1978, pp. 203–27, p. 205. 9 Christopher Hibbert, The Great Mutiny: India 1857 (London, 1980), p. 327. European civilians were also engaged in looting at Lucknow. See, ‘A personal Nar- rative of the Siege of Lucknow During the Indian Mutiny of 1857’. Parsons Papers, box 1, Centre of South Asian Studies, Cambridge, hereafter CSAS. 10 This article is concerned, ultimately, with the looting of artefacts from Tibet; as such it touches lightly on the looting and burning of property as revenge or empowerment; it does not deal at all with the related though important issues surrounding the defilement of women. 11 Charles Bruce, John Lawrence: Saviour of India (Edinburgh, 1889), p. 205. 12 Ibid. 84 MICHAEL CARRINGTON ate amount of loot was procured in Delhi and that British ‘officers were quite as avaricious as the men’.13 Much infighting took place over acquisition and distribution though relative order was eventu- ally restored as hunting for treasure became regulated by having to obtain an official prize ticket. It later became evident that huge amounts of money and valuables must have been discovered and not disclosed, as an ‘unusual number of non-commissioned officers and men bought their discharge’ on return to England.14 Looting and burning had certainly been ubiquitous in many inter- national conflicts and in the late nineteenth century it still ‘featured prominently [between different groups of] Indians in the most ‘‘peaceful’’ of peasant struggles’.15 But the latter half of the century was supposedly an age of ‘moral’ Empire and relations between Indi- ans and the British were supposedly improving and regulated (in theory) by laws governing the rights of British subjects of any ‘race’. If the British were constrained to a certain extent within India, the areas which constituted the frontier and beyond presented less of a problem for excesses of behaviour (even though many expeditions still proved extremely embarrassing for the Government). It was rumoured that during the 1877–1878 punitive campaign against the Jowaki Afridis, irregular troops had looted and fired houses (during which a number of women were burned alive16) and in 1881 the sacking and destruction of property in the border areas of Nagaland continued the lively debate about the relative merits of village- burning.17 As the 1903/4 Younghusband mission entered Tibet the events surrounding the looting of the Summer Palace in Peking by 13 Hibbert, p. 320. 14 Ibid. Even though the prize money amassed at Lucknow totalled perhaps as much as a million and a quarter sterling its eventual destination remained some- thing of a mystery, as each private soldier who had served throughout the relief and capture of the Residency received less than 18 rupees. Ibid., p. 366. 15RanajitGuha,ElementaryAspectsofPeasantInsurgencyinColonialIndia(Delhi, 1992), p. 148. 16 Lawrence James, Raj: The Making and Unmaking of British India (London, 1997), p. 410. 17 See, Peter Robb, ‘The Colonial State and Constructions of Indian Identity: An Example on the Northeast Frontier in the 1880s,’ Modern Asian Studies 31, 2, 1997, pp. 245–83. The burning of villages during punitive expeditions was sometimes thought to have assumed ‘dimensions disproportionate to the exigencies of the situ- ation’. Nevertheless, the Government of India recognized the relevance of secondary objectives, such as the mapping of regions untraversed by Europeans and the display of imperial might as a deterrent to any future ‘unlawful’ behaviour. See also, R. Bezbaruah, ‘Mitaigaon Outrage and the Bebejiya Mishmi Expedition 1899–1900’, ProceedingsoftheIndianHistoryCongress54Session,vol.54,1994,pp.416–22. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 85 a multi-national force less than four years earlier were still deeply impressed in the public’s memory.18 Events in China had been diffi- cult to justify though the English explorer and correspondent Henry Savage-Landor attempted to defend what went on by claiming that looting ‘was the only way by which the natives could be punished for their outrages on [British] men women and children’.19 The troops were allowed to bring their loot home from China and messes were full of these items for many years after.20 However, the perpetration of thefts (and worse) upon subject populations was becoming increasingly in contradiction of the supposed moral progress of Empire, especially in light of the arrival in India (in 1899) of that most moral and superior person, George Nathaniel Curzon. Fundamental to the moral development of the British Empire in India were the actions of far-sighted individuals willing to challenge orthodox perceptions of colonial rule. In this sense, the Viceroyalty of Lord Curzon (1899–1905) was an important transitional period, administratively, psychologically and philosophically. Administrat- ively, there was a minor revolution in the way the Government in India attempted to reduce the mountains of paperwork and imple- ment Curzon’s major reforms.21 The Viceroy threw himself into this work with such vigour that many thought him exhausted after his 18 The Summer Palace had also been looted and burned by Lord Elgin’s British troops after the Anglo/French landing of 1860. 19 Quoted in the Englishman (Calcutta) 28 July 1904, cited in ‘Allegations Against the Tibet Mission with Regard to Looting’ Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceedings nos 241–4. National Archives of India, hereafter NAI. 20 Two golden bells valued at £100,000 taken from the Temple of Heaven in Peking, allegedly by two officers of the Indian Army, became regimental trophies though they later ‘disappeared’ from the mess. It was claimed that the bells may have been melted down and deposited as bullion at a bank in Simla. This incident only came to light after the Treaty of Versailles, when a museum in Berlin was ordered to return astronomical instruments looted from Peking. An individual had offered documents relating to the incident to the German Government for £10,000 in order that they might refuse to return items while Britain did not (in July 1921 boththeDailyExpressandtheManchesterGuardianpublishedthisstory).L/Mil/7/ 16819. British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, hereafter OIOC. 21 Curzon had to implement measures to deal with one of the most serious fam- ines of the century, then to contend with plague. He addressed the issues of troops for South Africa, relations with the Indian Princes, taxation and the partition of Bengal. He also had to deal with personal differences with Lord Kitchener over army reform. His list of reforms included the suppression of frequent official trans- fers, reduction of superfluous report writing, preservation of ancient monuments, currency and irrigation measures, police and education reform. Significantly, he engaged in a concerted and relatively successful campaign to curb the frequent collisions between Europeans and Indians. 86 MICHAEL CARRINGTON first two years in office. He would later articulate his own thoughts on his workload when he spoke bitterly of himself as an individual who ‘works on until he drops and is replaced by another animal’.22 Psychologically and philosophically, the period was notable because Curzon attempted to implement policies and transmit ideas, which would reinforce his belief in the righteousness of the Raj. He hoped to fulfil the role and ultimate destiny of the British Empire as the arbiter of moral justice in the colonial situation. He addressed a number of issues, some of which met with serious resistance from many in India and Britain (for example his campaign against colli- sions between natives and Europeans). However, one event was to severely test the Viceroy’s moral perception of Empire; this was the lootingof the monasteries during the mission to Tibet. The Younghusband mission opened up a country which for many individuals held an obsessive fascination. It was thought that Tibet might hold vast storehouses of treasure or certainly enough Buddhist paraphernalia to satisfy the contemporary obsession with collection and classification. The mission advanced as far as Lhasa, the Tibetan capital. Reports in the Indian press of the defilement and looting of religious buildings challenged Curzon’s conception of moral Empire and called into question one of the most important representations of British moral character, that of the officer and gentleman. The official reporting of the mission always denied improper behaviour and the books, which were subsequently published by members of the mission, all reproduced a sanitized version of events which saw the mission as either a regrettable, though necessary imperial event, or as a ‘jolly caper’. Most of the publications, which followed the return of mission, ignored the triumph of technology over medieval tactics and weaponry and there was little or no mention of looting. More recently, there has been an attempt to produce a more realistic version of events, but apart from Chinese attempts to propagandize, no comprehensive survey of the extent of the looting has yet been produced.23 II Curzon’s conception of Empire was rooted in the belief that the Brit- ish were born to rule and were imbued with the necessary ‘character’ 22 Orange Papers, box 2. CSAS. 23 A number of authors have alluded to the looting of religious artefacts, for example see, P. Mehra, The Younghusband Expedition (London, 1968) and most recently Patrick French in Younghusband (London, 1994). Laudable though these OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 87 needed to fulfil this pre-destined role. It was the defence of the char- acter of the British, which pre-occupied Curzon, and his generation of administrators and politicians, unsure of Britain’s future in a rapidly changing world. The Younghusband mission occurred at a time when the South African war had not only undermined British Imperial complacency, but had encouraged liberal critics to continu- ally question the morality of Empire. It was obvious to those con- cerned, that the mission, which had developed out of the supposed Russian threat to India’s northern frontier, would receive scrutiny in India and Britain. The Secretary of State (St John Brodrick) wrote to the Viceroy claiming that there was little public support for an expedition of this kind and that the Cabinet thought likewise.24 The mission would have to be seen to be acting in a responsible and honourable manner and any adverse publicity would need to be adequately managed, particularly in the light of the vast treasure thought to exist in the Tibetan monasteries. The construction of British character at this time was dualistic in nature; it took account of the reinforcement and perpetuation of historical myths in Britain and the development of symbiotic relationships with notions of the ‘other’ or ‘outsider’, as ‘barbarian’ or ‘savage’. This was coupled with contemporary fears of degenera- tion in Britain’s ‘racial stock’ which gave rise to the idea of war as a way of both testing and improving British character.25 This fear had become evident during and after the South African War as the health of potential military recruits came under scrutiny.26 In a sense, the attempt to reinforce the notion of the superiority of British character and portray the British as a race of ‘gentle- men’ was the result of an organic crisis of gargantuan proportions. There was an attempt to re-establish the hegemonic boundaries of Britain’s elites through the implicit unimpeachability of British power and character. One of the most visible examples of British character, was that of the army officer, locked into his world of works are they produced no great weight of evidence to substantiate the sheer scale of the looting. 24 Brodrick to Curzon, 29 January 1904, Mss Eur F111/236. OIOC. 25 British newspapers used the mission to Tibet as well as military intervention in Somaliland and Nigeria as evidence of the fact that ‘the British were not bereft ofmartialspirit’.DailyMirror,5April1904,quotedinGlenR.Wilkinson,‘The Blessings of War: The Depiction of Military Force in Edwardian Newspapers’, JournalofContemporaryHistory,vol.33,no.1,January1998,pp.97–115,p.101. 26 See, for example, Sir F. Maurice Miles, ‘National Health. A Soldiers Study’, ContemporaryReview,January1903,pp.41–56and‘WhereToGetMen’,Contemporary Review, January 1902, pp. 78–86. 88 MICHAEL CARRINGTON honour, decency and playing the game. Through his schooling and upbringing, the officer was not thought to be subject to the degenerative traits believed to be concretized within the character of many other groups both within and outside Britain. By the turn of the twentieth century the public schools had developed a unify- ing ethos which gloried in the gentlemanly pursuits. In an atmo- sphere that bred ‘mental flexibility rather than imaginative fore- sight,’ working hard and playing the game were the principal objectives.27 Sub-rational indoctrination engendered a deference to authority and unquestioning group loyalty that transferred neatly from the school to the military.28 It was in the military that the public schools spirit, with its ‘gang mentality’ its love of honour and its loyalty to the Empire, reached its zenith. The British officer exemplified the spirit of Empire and had to maintain his prestige in a world that was ‘terribly masculine’, even if they ‘were not all gentlemen [they] all had to behave, sober or drunk, as if [they] were’.29 The drive to maintain and reinforce the myth of British character through the concept of the ‘officer and gentle- man’ was a necessary adjunct in the development of the systematic body of knowledge needed to reinforce and develop the notion of colonial superiority. In India, the incremental developments of nationalism and public awareness were thrown into the pot of earlier Utilitarian and Evan- gelical philosophy and had produced relatively sophisticated responses to European outrages by the turn of the twentieth century. There was regular outcry in the Indian press and the British Parlia- ment concerning not only the serious assaults on Indians but also the thefts which Indian shopkeepers suffered at the hands of European civilians and soldiers. The editor of the Howrah Hitaishi personally saw ‘two Europeans dressed in khaki followed by a hackney carriage full of sundry items which were being forcibly taken from the shops’ and noted with surprise that the act was ‘robbery committed in broad daylight’. He also reported the case of a ‘hundred disorderly and intoxicated marines [who] began to snatch away from vendors at every station, cigars, nuts and other things . . . . without any protest 27 Rupert Wilkinson, ‘Political Leadership and the Late Victorian Public School’, The British Journal of Sociology, vol. 13, 1962, pp. 320–30, p. 324. 28 Ibid., p. 328. There is now a quite considerable and varied literature on public school, sport and Empire; John MacKenzie and J. A. Mangan have produced some of the most interesting work. 29 Ronald Hyam, Britains Imperial Century (London, 1976), p. 157. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 89 from their commander’.30 The behaviour of military personnel was of some concern to the administration in India and it was thought that the Tibet mission should consist of men of the highest calibre, ‘no third class shots and no man who had been tried by court marshal were to be taken’.31 But the British claimed to have had a number of problems as the mission began to assemble. From the very beginning officers claimed to have doubt over the honesty and efficiency of the native labour. The road through Sikkim was constructed with the aid of a ‘coolie’ corps who had little idea where they were being sent and found the life under canvas in continuous rain less than bearable. One officer described the transport drivers as ‘common coolies’ who were ‘too awful for words’.32 Captain Gillespie of the Royal Engineers had trouble with groups of men who were travelling up the line with- out the ‘benefit’ of a British officer; Peshawar coolies found their tents too heavy and left them half way between the railhead and Gantok. The Pathans brought their tents but engaged in fights with Sonthali coolies along the way, during which a village was burnt down. Bengali ‘babus’, of which the British were extremely suspi- cious, bore the full weight of their stereotypical associations and had to have their ‘eccentricities’ checked by the British sergeants during supply and transport duties.33 Once news of a proposed mission to Tibet was announced, indi- viduals and a number of establishments began requesting that they 30 Howrah Hitaishi (Calcutta) 10 January 1904. L/R/5/30, Report of Native Papers in Bengal, no. 9, p. 193. OIOC. The British Government found the tone of the Indian nationalist newspapers rancorous, sarcastic, and anti-European. The Tribune (Lahore) was said to ‘exaggerate every case of assault on a native by a European’ whilst the Bengalee [Calcutta] continually criticized the Viceroy and individual Government offi- cials. ‘Statements of English, Foreign, Anglo-Vernacular and Vernacular Newspa- pers—Published in India and Burma During the Year 1904’ Home (Public) August 1906, proceeding no. 35. NAI. Curzon had become acutely aware of public opinion in India though many in London often underestimated its importance. J. A. Godley (Permanent Under Secretary, India Office) believed that public opinion in India car- ried no more weight in 1904 than it had 10 or 15 years earlier. As the man on the spot, Curzon thought otherwise, he claimed that public opinion was ‘growing all the while [was] articulate [and was] daily becoming more powerful.’ Curzon thought that to ‘contend that it does not exist, that it has not advanced in the last 15 years, or that it may be treated with general indifference [was in his view] to ignore the great change that [was] passing over [the] country’. Godley to Curzon, 1 January 1904 and Curzon to Godley, 27 January 1904, Mss Eur. F111/167, nos. 1 and 4. OIOC. 31 Diary of Private H. A. Sampson, Royal Fusiliers. National Army Museum (London), hereafter NAM. 32 ‘Letter from Rawlings’, Light Bob Gazette, vol. 12, no. 4, 1904, pp. 8–10. 33 Capt. R. Gillespie, ‘The Construction of the Nathu La Road, Tibet Mission, 1904’, Royal Engineers Journal, vol. 2, 1905, pp. 289–95. 90 MICHAEL CARRINGTON be allowed to nominate persons to collect books and manuscripts whilst the mission was in progress. The hunt for manuscripts in Tibet had its antecedents in the nineteenth-century attempts to ‘rescue’ treasures thought to lie scattered along the Silk Road and the ‘inter- national race for the ancient Buddhist treasures of the Taklamakan and Gobi deserts’, which had only recently begun.34 Early exploration had been informed by an objective scientific ethos with its roots in the enlightenment though this evolved and was superseded by the mysterious and poetic imagery of romanticism, which rejected ‘cold philosophy’.35 The expeditions of the late nineteenth century how- ever, were symptomatic of a new breed of ‘heroic’ professional explorer, whose myths developed an instrumental power which ‘justi- fied and promoted the expansion of the state in geographical and economic terms’.36 In Central Asia, men like Sven Hedin37 and Aurel Stein38 personi- fied the new age and were glorified in the press and the literature of the period as their adventures gave form and offered guidance for a new generation’s ‘personal and national ascendancy’.39 Hedin saw the desire for romance and the desire for knowledge as one and the same and rejected pejorative notions of the scientist as a destroyer of beauty or (in Wordsworth’s words) ‘one that would peep and botonize upon his mothers grave’.40 Stein became interested in Buddhist art whilst working for the Education Department of the Government of India in the Punjab and his personally conducted tour of the Lahore Museum for Lord Curzon in 1899 guaranteed Viceregal support for his expeditions.41 These expeditions into Cent- 34 Peter Hopkirk, Foreign Devils on the Silk Road (Oxford, 1980), p. 111. 35 The Romantic name for science. 36 Beau Riffenburgh, The Myth of the Explorer (London, 1993), p. 6. 37 Swedish geographer Sven Anders Hedin (1865–1952) studied at Stockholm, Berlin and Halle Universities. Although an amateur archaeologist his excavations in 1899 at Lou-lan, an ancient Chinese garrison town, revealed a number of manu- scripts which proved vital for the history of the Silk Road. In 1900–01, disguised as a Mongolian monk, he travelled through northern Tibet but was thwarted in his attempt to reach Lhasa. He later explored and mapped regions of the Himalaya, the Gobi Desert and Tibet providing important material for a number of institutions. 38 Hungarian by birth, Mark Aurel Stein (1862–1943) studied Oriental lan- guages at Vienna, Leipzig, Tubingen and Oxford Universities. 39 And as Riffenburgh points out, they sold a considerable amount of newspapers. Riffenburgh, pp. 6–7. 40 Quoted in Sven Hedin, To the Forbidden Land: Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet (New Delhi, 1988) first published 1934, introduction pp. vii–viii. 41 In 1900–01 Stein explored in the vicinity of Khotan, returning to Europe across Russia he deposited the material he had collected in the British Museum. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 91 ral Asia unearthed a considerable amount of Buddhist and other artefacts that found a ready place among the collections of European museums. It was in these establishments, representations of civic and national pride, that a developing leisured class could define themselves within the context of ‘other’ and more ‘savage’ cultures. The pre-eminent institution in Britain, the British Museum, had since its opening in 1759, presented collections of ‘curios’ in ways that ‘ordered’ the natural world and ‘reinforced the hierarchical structure of British society’.42 This hegemonic project was developed and refined during the course of the nineteenth century imposing an increasing importance on the acquisition of exotic material. As reports of a British sojourn onto the Himalayan plateau reached London, a paucity of Tibetan manuscripts ensured a healthy interest in the events of the Tibet mission.43 The most desirable materials in relation to Tibet were Buddhist books and manuscripts, as prior to 1904 the libraries in Britain were the poorest in Europe in this respect. The India Office Library held the most important collection though this was severely limited, the British Museum had ‘little more than a few leaves torn from some of the larger texts’ and the ‘libraries of Oxford, Cambridge, and the Royal Asiatic Society had still less’.44 This was a period of intense interest in the collection and display of Oriental artefacts precisely because of their role in ‘othering’ Asian societies; in the production of knowledge as power. Benedict Anderson (in regard to Southeast Asia) notes how colonial archaeological services became powerful and prestigious institutions. His inter-linking concepts of the census, the map and the museum and how this ‘illuminates the late colonial state’s style of thinking about its domain’ is persuasive. He maintains that a ‘totalizing classificatory grid’ could be applied to ‘anything under the state’s real or contemplated control: peoples, regions, reli- He later visited Chinese Turkistan, Chitral and Afghanistan. In 1907 he discovered valuable paintings and manuscripts in the ‘Cave of a Thousand Buddhas’ at Tun- huang in Western China; this material has been described as the greatest single find in the history of Central Asian archaeology. 42 Patricia Fara, ‘The Appliance of Science: The Georgian British Museum’, His- toryTodayAugust1997. 43 For a useful discussion on the role of material culture in museums (though in relation to Africa) see, Annie E. Coombes. 44 L. A. Waddell, ‘Tibetan Manuscripts and Books Etc Collected During the YounghusbandMissiontoLhasa’,ImperialandAsiaticQuarterlyReview,3rdseries,vol. 34, 1912, pp. 80–113, p. 82. Waddell thought that the collection of material from Tibet formed ‘one of not the least solid results of the mission of Sir Francis Younghusband’. Ibid., p. 83. 92 MICHAEL CARRINGTON gions, languages, products, monuments’. Everything ‘was bounded, determinate, and therefore, in principle, countable’. The ‘assump- tion [here was] that the world was made up of replicable plurals’ and of course this was ultimate control, of knowledge as power.45 So the acquisition of Tibetan manuscripts was important and as such they would be incredibly valuable. It would be crucial to have knowledge- able and trustworthy collectors (officers and gentlemen who would know how to ‘play the game’). A number of names were suggested, including the well-known Pundit, Sarat Chandra Das.46 Das was well qualified for the task though disliked by certain members of the Brit- ish administration who thought him ‘totally untrustworthy’; Curzon also believed it unwise to send ‘a man of the type of S C Das’.47 It was suggested that the well-known Tibetologist L. Austin Wad- dell and The Times correspondent Perceval Landon should collect material for the British Museum. Waddell had graduated as a sur- geon from the University of Glasgow in July 1878 with the ‘highest honours’ and entered the Indian medical service in 1880.48 From 1884 to 1890 he was Professor of Chemistry and Pathology at Cal- cutta Medical College. By 1900 he had been promoted to Lieutenant Colonel, had a number of military campaigns and decorations under his belt and had been Medical Officer to the Darjeeling district and Deputy Sanitary Commissioner in Bihar. It was while he was in Darjeeling that he had learnt the Tibetan language and had pur- 45 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (London, 1991), p. 184. 46 Das was a well-educated Bengali and had been a teacher at Darjeeling. He worked for the Survey of India and visited Tibet in the late 1870s and 1880s; his explorations took him to Gyantse and for a short time as far as Lhasa. He was later used as an interpreter by the British, may have been involved with British intelli- gence services and was believed to be the model for Kipling’s character, Huree Chunder Mookerjee, in Kim. Ironically, two Tibetans who spent nineteen years in prison for helping Das travel in Tibet were released when the British reached Lhasa. 47 Home (Books and Publications) A, July 1904, proceedings nos 90–6. NAI. Considering the sterling work Das had undertaken for the British, Curzon’s slight on his character could be considered unwarranted. Curzon’s attitude may have had more to do with his irrationally held stereotypical racial beliefs than any deficiency of Das. Also, there was considerable debate over the amount of money to be alloc- ated for the purchase of artefacts, and which department should provide the finance. The Home Department refused to supply the 10,000 rupees, which was eventually allocated to the mission by the Government, it was suggested that 26-Scientific and Minor Departments be debited for the amount. It was also indicated that there would ‘perhaps’ be an additional grant of 10,000 rupees (though I have no evidence that this money was ever allocated). Ibid. 48 L/Mil/9/407. OIOC. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 93 chased a Tibetan temple wholesale to study every aspect of Tibetan Buddhism at first hand.49 Waddell then, would be the perfect man for the job of Chief Medical Officer to the Tibet mission and after representations to the Government of India was chosen to be the official collector of materials for the British Museum. He was to be assisted by David Macdonald, an employee of the Government of India, Macdonald was the son of a Scott with a Sikkimise mother and he would be extremely useful as he spoke fluent Tibetan. Many of those that accompanied the mission had a personal interest in an advance all the way to Lhasa. Perceval Landon was not only employed to collect for the British Museum but had signed an agree- ment with The Times that would see his £350 correspondents fee reduced to expenses only should the mission fail to reach the Tibetan capital.50 Two Major Generals had quite independently admitted that they thought Tibet would be an ‘A-1 place for curios’ and many officers hoped for a medal.51 The mission then, from its inception, was predisposed to advance, it was accompanied by a collection of individuals who were driven by disparate desires and needs. Carto- graphers hoped to map virgin territory, plant and insect hunters expected to discover new specimens, geologists were looking to Tibet’s supposed mineral wealth, individuals wanted curios for insti- tutions or for themselves, some men desired fame, some desired for- tune and some desired both. III Initial attempts at negotiation in Tibet had failed at Khamba Jong (fort) and the mission, with Colonel Francis Younghusband as its head, Brigadier-General J. R. L. Macdonald as the military com- mander, its associated transport and three press correspondents returned to Tibet via the Jelap La (pass) on 12 December 1903. Strict orders were issued against looting with particular reference made to religious objects. The mission halted for some weeks at the 49 Waddell had travelled widely in Sikkim, Nepal and the Indian Himalaya, had excavated the ruins of Pataliputra, Ashoka’s capital near Patna, and had written on Tibetology. See, L. A. Waddell, The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism (New Delhi, 1991). 50 Perceval Landon and C. F. Moberly-Bell Correspondence, Archive of Times Newspapers Ltd (News International PLC), London. 51 S. Normanton, Tibet: The Lost Civilisation (London, 1988), p. 19. 94 MICHAEL CARRINGTON village of Phari and it was here that certain members of the mission began to acquire items of interest.52 After the halt at Phari the mission advanced towards Lhasa and saw its first action near the village of Guru on 31 March 1904. Six hundred Tibetans were massacred at Guru and after the fight a number of trophies were collected.53 As the mission progressed, it was necessary to forage for stores and as a rule an attempt was made to pay for the items that were taken from the peasantry, though on occasion troops demolished a village for the timber.54 On reaching a monastery it would be quite a different story. The Tibetan leadership, which included the monks, was never afforded the luxury of a political personality and the monks were described as primitive, obstinate and stub- born.55 The monks had been promoted in Britain as belonging to a malevolent sect who practised a degenerated form of Buddhism; it was reported that they existed purely in order to oppress the peasantry. The deliberate closing of Tibet after 1792 had meant that subsequent exploration into the area lacked the informal exchange that had occurred between educated Tibetans and those such as Bogle and Turner a century before; this created an atmo- sphere of mutual suspicion. Explorers now came predominantly into contact with Tibetans in the outlying areas that were under Government orders to prevent penetration into central Tibet. A climate of mutual hostility developed which fuelled pejorative accounts of the Tibetan Government and its national religion, which were inextricably intertwined. The attitudes to Tibet were indicative of the wider concerns of the late Victorian Christian crusade against ‘heathen’ practices in India and elsewhere. Deep rooted Christian prejudice surfaced during the Tibet mission and was later exemplified in publications like Waddell’s Lhasa and its Mysteries and Landon’s Lhasa in which monks ‘live idly on the labour of the laity’56 who are seen as existing in a state of per- petual ignorance and filth.57 Driven by disgust, one officer, finding grain hidden in a monastery, took the abbot ‘by the nape of his 52 The Wellcome Institute has an item marked ‘found at Phari Fort 1904’ written on it. 53 See Lt Haddow’s letter to his father of 3 April 1904. Royal Norfolk Regimental Museum, hereafter RNRM. 54 Diary of Private A. E. Christer, Royal Fusiliers, entry for 23 June 1904. NAM. 55 See for example the Spectator (London) ‘News of the Week’ 19 March 1904. 56 L. A. Waddell, Lhasa and its Mysteries (London, 1905), p. 216. 57 P. Landon, Lhasa, 2 Volumes (London, 1905). OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 95 lubberly neck, drove him down on his knees and rubbed his nose in it’. He claimed that the British officers’ ‘very souls would have revolted at the idea of paying the monks one penny’.58 So British military personnel were reflecting contemporary ideas in which ‘barbaric’ practices like Buddhism featured low in the hierarchy of religious acceptability. However, there would have been tension as officers attempted to operate within the confines of their own socially enforced codes of gentlemanly behaviour, which was in itself in a state of flux. The traditional ‘gentleman’, his code of conduct and the whole psychological base of gentle- manly standards had changed by the turn of the twentieth century. Peterson, in a discussion on the low status of medicine at this time, has pointed to the characteristic of ‘power’. The ‘idea of the gentleman was rooted in landed society’ and the cornerstone of this belief was that a man held ‘possession of sufficient land to free him from economic [and presumably, therefore political] subjection to others’.59 Concomitant is the gentleman’s right to rule, his fitness to govern ‘because’ of his independence, his free- dom from ‘narrow self interest’.60 This concept of independence survived the transition from landed gentleman to the officer and the gentleman who was born to rule and to rule well, not because of his position in landed society but because of an inborn ‘charac- ter’. Character had to be defended at all costs, though now it was not so much that an officer should not flout the rules of the gentleman, but that he must not get caught. The elaborate mech- anisms for protecting him, for example the law and the ‘rules of the game’ could not be employed indefinitely. After too many misdemeanours the officer and gentleman was on his own, shunned by the unforgiving society in which he lived. The idea of character was constantly being tested during the mission and came under severe threat as events unfolded and schism appeared within the officer ranks over the behaviour of some of its members. The mission reached Gyantse, Tibet’s fourth largest, though rela- tively small city, on 11 April. The Tibetans began evacuating Gyantse Jong (fort) during the night and by the next morning it was completely deserted. The British then ransacked the Jong for 58 L. A. Bethel, ‘A Footnote by Pousse Cailloux’, Blackwood’s Magazine 225, 1904, pp. 147–76. 59 M. J. Peterson, ‘Gentlemen and Medical Men: The Problem of Professional Recruitment’,BulletinoftheHistoryofMedicine,vol.58,1984,pp.457–73,p.470. 60 Ibid., p. 471. 96 MICHAEL CARRINGTON ‘food-stores and ammunition’.61 By this time the ‘Orientalist’ interest in Buddhist paraphernalia ensured that the Government of India was receiving requests for Tibetan objects. The Victoria Institute at Worcester and the Cambridge University Ethnological Institute, amongst others, asked that they be included in the list of establish- ments that might receive materials acquired by the mission. The India Office replied that it had not yet received instructions as to the distribution of artefacts.62 On 21 April, almost by accident, the debate over looting was sparked by Landon’s article that appeared in The Times. He claimed that ‘valuables or curios, found in the fort [at Gyantse] as were not immediately connected with religious wor- ship will be handed over to the Government of India for distribution among British and Indian museums’.63 The India Office wrote to Louis Dane (Secretary to the Govern- ment of India) informing him that Brodrick had asked them to bring The Times article to the notice of the Viceroy.64 They thought that the wording was ‘rather ambiguous’ and that it might ‘possibly be used as the foundation for accusations of looting’; further to this, Brodrick wished to avoid anything which might ‘expose the mission to misrepresentation’.65 Younghusband wrote to the Government of India informing them that after the Tibetans had surrendered the Jong he had entrusted Waddell, Landon and the mission interpreter Captain O’Connor, to select ‘from among the mass of manuscripts and articles ‘‘lying about’’ [my emphasis] such as were likely to be of value specifically’. He claimed that ‘no articles were removed from the chapel in the Jong’.66 Two days later a controversial committee was formed for the distribution of brass images found in the Jong and though Younghusband thought the pieces ‘all very ugly’ he was 61 Waddell (London, 1905), p. 199. Waddell mentions how he inspected various artefacts in the chapel but makes no mention of taking any. Ibid., p. 201. 62 Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceedings nos 241–4. NAI. 63 The Times (London) 21 April 1904. It was also reported that ‘nearly all the portable valuables have been removed [from the Palkor Choede Lamastery] by the lamas, in spite of the repeated proclamation by Brigadier-General Macdonald that there would be no looting . . . .’ Ibid. 64 R. T. Ritchie, Secretary in the Political Department India Office to Louis Dane, Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department. 29 April 1904. Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceedings nos 254–254A. NAI. 65 Ibid. 66 Younghusband to Russell, ICS, Under Secretary to the Government of India in the Foreign Department. Gyantse, 12 July 1904. Ibid. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 97 allocated and accepted a dozen items.67 News of the finds filtered out and many in Britain and India desired a piece of the ‘mystical’ land. Mrs Younghusband was not immune from the fascination with Tibet and she began haranguing Captain O’Connor with pleas for curios for her and her friends. O’Connor attempted to delegate to Mr Mitter, the mission’s Parsi clerk, who seemed rather put out by the request. Mitter wrote back to Mrs Younghusband and suggested that O’Connor might be better equipped to supply curios as he thought himself rather ‘incompetent’, and further to this the Captain had a better knowledge of the country and had already acquired a good number of items.68 Meanwhile, the Tibetans had brought up reinforcements from Shi- gatse and re-occupied Gyantse Jong during the early morning of 5 May after which a two-month siege ensued. While the Jong was under siege a number of actions took place in the surrounding dis- trict including the storming of Naini and Tsechen monasteries. It was during the capture of hostile monasteries that Waddell ‘rescued’ a number of books and manuscripts from burning buildings that had ‘been set on fire by retreating Tibetans’. On more than one occasion he ‘ran the gauntlet of exploding boxes of gunpowder’ in his attempt to collect material.69 Other officers were acquiring artefacts during this time and Younghusband wrote to his wife how he was accumulat- ing ‘quite a collection’. He told her how he had ‘not taken a single thing’ himself as he did ‘not think it fair when [he had done] none of the fighting’, though both British and native officers kept bringing him objects.70 Three weeks later he sent a number of the smaller items down to his wife and informed her that he still had a lot of the larger curios at Gyantse.71 67 Younghusband to his wife, Gyantse 14 April 1904 (Also cited in French, Younghusband p. 229). Mss Eur. F197/176. OIOC. Henry Newman, the Reuters cor- respondent, had a share of these images and recalls there was a ‘row about this distribution afterwards, and [that] some people called it scandalous looting’. H. Newman, A Roving Commission (London, 1937), p. 219. 68 Mitter to Mrs Younghusband, 6 May 1904. Mss Eur. F197/100. OIOC. How- ever, Mitter later relented and sent Mrs Younghusband a number of small items (he was unable to send the painted scrolls and ‘other large things’ he had acquired as he could not find a suitable box). Mitter to Mrs Younghusband, 29 June 1904. Ibid. 69 Waddell, 1912, p. 85. 70 Younghusband to his wife, Gyantse, 28 May 1904. Mss Eur F197/176. OIOC. 71 Younghusband to his wife, Kangma, 24 June 1904. Ibid. 98 MICHAEL CARRINGTON On 8 July, after a spectacular action, Gyantse Jong was captured for the second time and members of the mission began to collect the spoils of war. Officers and men collected numerous weapons, swords, bayonets, spears, bullet moulds, matchlocks and cannon. But with the monastery and its chapels containing so much of apparent value, the contents proved irresistible for both the troops and the ‘official’ collectors. Major Wimberly, who was attached to the field hospital, wrote to his wife how he had been left to collect all the details of casualties as Waddell had asked him to do it whilst he ‘went off on the loot’.72 That morning Lt Haddow and Younghusband, who shared the same mess, climbed to the top of the Jong and looked down on the monastery, which was situated directly to the side, it was believed at first that Tibetans might still occupy these buildings though they appeared now to be deserted. They decided to go and ‘do a bit of looting on [their] own before anyone else arrived’ though they were in ‘blissful ignorance’ of the fact that General Macdonald with the main force had decided to attack and capture the mass of buildings which were the monastery complex.73 Meanwhile Haddow and a pri- vate Smith had entered the monastery and found it deserted save for the presence of two British officers of the Indian Army who were engaged in collecting valuables. Haddow and Smith ‘had a great time’; they broke into three buildings and ‘loaded themselves with loot’. Thinking it might be useful to capture a Tibetan to help carry away the spoils they went outside but were met by the troops sent to capture the monastery, whereby they were reprimanded by an angry officer who confiscated their loot. But although they were searched, Smith managed to steal three brass images, which he had slipped down his vest. Haddow was not particularly upset at being caught as he had met with ‘a certain amount of success on previous occasions’.74 With the mission under the spotlight there was an attempt by senior officers to curtail the worst excesses of the looting and staff officers were on the prowl. But attempts to stop the ‘unofficial’ thefts were not particularly successful and the chapels were systematically pillaged. Two British soldiers of the 64th Pioneers were caught loot- 72 Colin Narbeth, ‘The Storming of the Gyantse Fort: An Unpublished Letter from the 1904 Younghusband Expedition in Tibet’, Tibetan Review, June 1996, pp. 16–18. 73 A. L. Haddow (LT.-Col), ‘Tibet, 1903–1904. With the Machine Gun Section 1st Battalion the Norfolk Regiment’, The Britannia, 1933, p. 67. 74 Ibid. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 99 ing though they still managed to get their sack-full away easily.75 Golden, gilt and brass Buddha and other images, models of chortens, painted scrolls, books with their carved covers, thankas, thigh bone trumpets and aprons, decorative brass bowls, butter lamps and stands, dorje’s (thunderbolts), bells, prayer wheels, lamas robes, brass trays, copper tea pots and valuable Ming porcelain were all taken.76 If an image was too large to carry away parts of it were broken off.77 Houses in the vicinity were robbed, though nothing of great value was found in the majority of them. Wimberly wrote to his wife how he had collected two china vases, a china teapot, a pen-case and a brass cup-stand and cover which he intended to pack up and send down when he had the time.78 As news of the looting reached India there was considerable interest in acquiring curios. Younghusband’s wife again wrote to Captain O’Connor asking if he would be able to obtain some artefacts for her acquaintances. O’Connor relented and wrote back saying that he would most cer- tainly fit some extra items into a box he was packing up and told her to ‘look upon them as a little present’.79 IV Along with the looting a number of other regrettable incidents occurred in and around Gyantse including the death of the son of the representative of the Chinese Amban at Gyantse who was killed by a stray bullet. Also, two or three Chinese subjects and ten or twelve Tibetan women lost their lives in the confusion and two women were shot and wounded as they wandered about in the dark.80 Tragically, a British soldier found two youngsters who had been watching the action from a nearby hill had been killed. The boys 75 Diary of H. Harvey Kelley, 64th Pioneers. NAM. 76 Typescript of items brought back from Tibet by Lt Haddow of the M. G. Sec- tion 1st Bn Royal Norfolk Regiment. RNRM. 77 Haddow’s list contains 61 items, which include, two daggers taken from some large idols at Gyantse, the head of an image broken off as image was too large to carry away, heads on a string taken off an idol. Ibid. 78 Narbeth, p. 18. 79 O’Connor to Mrs Younghusband, Gyantse, 21 July 1904. Mss Eur. F197/101. OIOC. 80 There were considerable numbers of Tibetan civilians in the area and orders had been issued which prohibited firing at night ‘unless certain of hitting the enemy’. Haddow diaries, 21 May 1904. Devon Records Office, hereafter DRO. 100 MICHAEL CARRINGTON were ‘cuddling each other in death, both had been shot by a shell . . . . [the soldier thought] it was a fearful sight’.81 Tibetan civilians had the added misfortune of having their property taken and being ill-treated by their own troops. The Tibetan levies were said to have killed three or four women who had ‘mixed up with the British troops’ at Gyantse.82 The Nepalese representative in Lhasa, who reported to the British, had heard that Tibetans were ‘plundering villages on their way to Lhasa’ and noted that the inhabitants of the city ‘were hiding their respective wealth and property wherever they could’.83 For the British, the days following the capture of Gyantse Jong were used to bring up stores and reinforcements and to recon- noitre the vicinity. A force rode to Penam Jong near Shigatse, which was found to be unoccupied, and troops travelled the 14 miles to the village of Dongtse to forage and loot.84 On 14 July the march on Lhasa began, the route did not provide much in the way of treasure though the force caused the local popu- lation some problems with foraging and the pulling down of some villages for firewood.85 There was sporadic looting; at Nagartse, Wad- dell and David Macdonald found some sepoys stealing from the famous monastery of Samding, they ordered the men to return the goods ‘at once’.86 By late July the mission had crossed the Tsangpo and was within sight of Lhasa. The excesses of the mission and par- ticularly the looting of religious artefacts outraged the Indian nation- alist press. The Hitavadi accused the mission of ‘enriching the British Museum with at least a portion of the valuable documents, [and] manuscripts’ it had looted and that even if the Government had made provision for the purchase of ‘some’ of these articles the news- 81 Sampson diary, entry for 12 July 1904. NAM. 82 ‘Letters from the Nepalese Representative at Lhasa Regarding Tibetan Affairs’ Foreign (Secret) E, October 1904, proceedings nos 646–66. NAI. 83 Ibid. The reports the Nepalese representative sent on to the British were mostly second or third hand and must be treated with some suspicion, for example one report claimed that the British had advanced on Gyantse and ‘shot down every man women and child they had come across’. ‘Letter from the Honourable the Four Kasis of Tibet to His Highness the Maharaja of Nepal’. Ibid. Enclosure no. 3, p. 59. The British were certainly involved in looting but there is no evidence that they ‘intentionally’ shot women and children. 84 Christer diary, entry for 8 July 1904. NAM. 85 Sampson diary, entries for 14 and 22 July 1904. NAM. 86DavidMacdonald,TwentyYearsinTibet,firstpublished1932(NewDelhi, 1991), p. 25. Macdonald claimed that these sepoys were later tried by court- marshal. Waddell ‘noticed’ a number of interesting items on the altar at Samding, including images adorned with precious stones and a large Ming jar. Waddell, 1905, p. 296. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 101 paper ‘deeply regretted’ the ‘plunder’ of the monasteries.87 The Statesman maintained that ‘piles of loot, which it was not possible to transport, had been accumulated at Gyantse’ and said, ‘the drawing rooms of Darjeeling begin to tell a tale, which it should be far from pleasant for English eyes to read’.88 The Englishman agreed, and thought, ‘there was little glory to be had out of the campaign in Tibet’ though that was ‘no reason why the overwhelming weight of loot should be thrown into the scale . . . .’89 It was widely reported that the expense of the mission would fall upon the shoulders of the Indian people and the Hitavadi believed that this, combined with the looting of the monasteries, had brought disgrace on the army. Fur- ther to this it would be the acting Viceroy, Lord Ampthill,90 who would be ‘guilty of neglecting his duty in the eye of justice and equal- ity’ if he failed to prevent further looting and did not return the items already taken.91 The British Government and the Viceroy now realized that the reporting of the scale of the looting was threatening to cause further and more serious discontent in India. A despatch from Louis Dane claimed that ‘the Viceroy [was] anxious to prevent accusations of looting and [had] reason to believe that Tibetan articles [were] reaching Darjeeling in considerable numbers’. He also thought ‘special orders’ ought to be issued ‘which would preclude the possibility of anything being sent down . . . . without the sanction of some superior officer on the spot’.92 The Military Department wrote to Lord Kitchener, who as Commander-in-Chief in India, was asked if he would agree to the issuing of orders to prevent further looting and whether General Macdonald should 87 Hitavadi (Calcutta) 29 July 1904. L/R/5/30, no. 32, p. 717. OIOC. The British, always keen to keep an eye on the more vociferous vernacular and Anglo-Indian press, realized that the Hitavadi was published from the same building as the Bengalee (which was edited by Congress official Surendranath Banerjea). The police thought that Banerjea had ‘a strong voice in controlling the policy and doing of the more audacious and unscrupulous vernacular paper Hitavadi’. Prem Narain, Press and Politics in India 1885–1905 (Delhi, 1970), pp. 288–9, fn. 27. 88 Statesman (Calcutta) 21 July 1904, cited in Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceedings nos 254–254 A., NAI. 89 Englishman (Calcutta) 28 July 1904, cited in ibid. General Macdonald thought that the articles in the Statesman and the Englishman were ‘uncalled for and greatly exaggerated’. Macdonald to Adjutant General, 14 August 1904. L/PS/7/170. OIOC. 90 Curzon had left India for England at the end of April 1904 and was replaced by Lord Ampthill. He returned to office on 13 December of that year. 91 Hitavadi 12 August 1904. L/R/5/30, no. 34, pp. 761–2. OIOC. 92 Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceedings nos 254–254 A., NAI. 102 MICHAEL CARRINGTON do the same. Kitchener agreed that they should issue orders though he maintained that ‘General Macdonald was very strict on the subject and from what [he had heard] from officers returning, no looting is allowed amongst the military’.93 By late July it was obvious that the looting of religious and other artefacts had taken place on a relatively large scale. The Foreign Department agreed that there ‘was’ looting but attempted to shift the blame away from the military. They claimed that, in China it was pretty bad in some instances, but [they had heard] the military were not the worst offenders [and that it was] difficult to stop looting when valuable things are lying about un-owned. If it is not taken by the victors the loot is appropriated by the people of the country who have no right to it. [They thought that] It would be easy enough to prevent parcels being sent to India by transport.94 Ampthill, sceptical about the allegations, thought it unnecessary to issue any special instructions unless he ‘had heard from private sources that looting had actually been going on and [was] beginning to be talked about.’ He did not want to ‘assume that the officers of the mission [had] been sending plundered goods to India without positive proof.’95 Younghusband was informed that, notices [were] appearing in newspapers that loot from Tibet was reaching India in considerable quantities [and that] to meet the possibility of this being correct, suitable action should be taken . . . . to prevent the loot being sent down, [though] bona fide purchases of curios [were] of course not prohibited.96 Ampthill was concerned for the good name of the mission and asked Dane to substitute the words ‘to meet the possibility . . .’ for; ‘the Government of India believes that these insinuations are unfounded’. He also thought that Younghusband ought to know of the accusa- tions in order that the mission might be careful not to be ‘exposed to misrepresentation’.97 There was little debate over the looting in Britain, though Brodrick was asked in the Commons if he realized that ‘bales of loot [which included] objects ostensibly pillaged from the monasteries of Tibet [had] arrived at Darjeeling’. He replied 93 Kitchener to Military Department, 29 July 1904. Ibid. 94 E. R. Elles, Foreign Department, 1 August 1904. Ibid. 95 Ampthill to Dane, 28 July 1904. Ibid. 96 Dane to Ampthill, 11 August 1904. Ibid. 97 Ampthill to Dane, 12 August 1904. Ibid. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 103 that he had received no such information and that his ‘Government [was] fully aware of the necessity of preventing pillage and [were] taking all the necessary steps’.98 The tirade against the mission continued in the Indian nationalist press as the mission entered Lhasa and negotiated a treaty with the Tibetan authorities. The Secretary of State contacted Ampthill in order to forbid the looting of the libraries and monasteries of Lhasa though the Morning Leader thought there was a ‘sinister significance’ in the fact that such a prohibition was necessary.99 Chief Staff Officer, Major Iggulden, admitted that the ‘visible riches and treas- ures of Lhasa fairly made [their] mouths water’; unfortunately the Tibetans were not inclined to sell the more important items.100 But the looting was over and though no religious objects were on sale at Lhasa101 some souvenirs were purchased from merchants in solid silver Rupees, which made the mission quite popular with the lay population. There was still tension between the monks and the mem- bers of the mission, which required the odd show of force. A dis- gruntled Lama attacked two British soldiers with a sword wounding one slightly and the other severely. The offender was hanged and his monastery fined 5000 Rupees.102 The mission left Lhasa on 23 October 1904 and thus ended one of the most controversial expedi- tions in the history of British India; Henry Newman believed this was the last time British troops were ever ‘allowed’ to loot.103 The controversy over the mission continued in India during the Bombay Congress of December of that year though the key issue became the contravention of the Act of 1858 that forbade the spending of rev- enue outside the statutory limits of India, except to repel foreign aggression.104 For the Congress, the mission had been a perfect example of the military policy which had been ‘harming the county’ 98 Mr Philip Stanhope MP (Market Harborough) to Secretary of State, Commons 10 August 1904. V/3/1607. OIOC. 99 Morning Leader (London) 10 August 1904. 100 ‘An Account of Lhasa . . . .’ Mss Eur C270. OIOC. 101 See Candler, p. 273. 102 L/Mil/7/16831. OIOC. Younghusband returned 4000 Rupees of the fine and gave 1000 to the families of two mission servants killed at Gyantse. See, Viceroy to Secretary of State for India, 17 September 1904. L/PS/7/170. OIOC. 103 Newman, p. 129. 104 See, Indian National Congress, Twentieth Session, Bombay, 26–28 December 1904, in A. M. Zaidi and S. Zaidi (eds), The Encyclopaedia of the Indian National Con- gress, vol. 4, (New Delhi, 1978), p. 635. 104 MICHAEL CARRINGTON for some time; it was an important element in the wider ‘drain of wealth’ from India to Britain.105 While in Tibet, Waddell had amassed over two thousand volumes of books and manuscripts. These formed the bulk of the material he collected ‘officially’ and were sent down safely to India.106 Twenty- nine volumes of Waddell’s private collection were sent on to the India Office Library and arrived intact though he maintained only half a dozen other volumes of his own collection made it back to India, the rest being lost on the journey home. In January 1905 Waddell’s assistant, David Macdonald, was detailed for special duty in Calcutta. He sorted over 400 mule loads of objects, ‘many rare and valuable manuscripts, armour, weapons, paintings and porcel- ain’107 and an exhibition of the collection was held in the Indian Museum Calcutta prior to its dispersal to museums in Britain and India.108 Curzon expressed an interest in several items from the exhibition and requested that he might be allowed to purchase them109 and a large collection of porcelain was despatched to Kit- chener, who was an avid collector (though much of this was damaged beyond repair while in transit).110 V Around 18,000 persons had been involved with the mission through- out its time in Tibet. It was inevitable that general stores and muni- tions would fall into the hands of the British troops though it was claimed that the peasants were usually paid for any goods they sup- 105 Indian National Congress Reports 1901–1904, 1904 Congress, Twelfth Res- olution, p. 214. Nehru Memorial Museum Library, (microfilm). 106 Waddell, 1912, p. 86. Waddell claimed that ‘every single volume of this huge Tibetan collection was selected with [his] own hands’. Ibid., p. 84. 107 Macdonald, p. 42. 108 ‘Tibetan Curios for Public Museums’ The Times 5 April 1905. After the exhibi- tion in Calcutta the official collection was divided up and sent to the British Museum, the India Office Library and Oxford and Cambridge Universities. 109 The articles in question were: a silver incense burner with cover and chains, two painted scrolls, brazen bar for trumpets, standing goddess and a seated Buddha. A number of Calcutta antique dealers were instructed to place a value on the artefacts. Estimates of their worth averaged 500–600 rupees and it was decided that the value should be 382 rupees, this would be charged to 26 Scientific and Minor Departments. ‘Purchase of Certain Tibetan Curios by His Excellency Lord Curzon’ Foreign [External] B, May 19 05, proceedings no. 330. NAI. 110 Macdonald, p. 42. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 105 plied; the Mounted Infantry alone took over seven thousand animals though they maintained that five thousand were paid for.111 The Brit- ish excused the taking of stores from monasteries by referring to the oppressive nature of the monks, though this was a specious argument given that stores were held in the monasteries for times of famine. Generally, the monks ‘were’ the peasants, many would have had fam- ilies in the vicinity and they had little reason to oppress the local population. But there is no doubt that looting was rife and that Tib- etans were murdered in the process of acquiring items.112 Also, the sheer scale of the looting of religious objects and the fact that it was institutionalized was unacceptable given the assurances that the monasteries were not to be pillaged. The major question for those involved with the mission was not if, but how, they were going to transport items from Tibet to India, be it for their own collections or for the British Museum and other establishments. How the mis- sion might limit adverse press reaction was a secondary issue as ‘spe- cial’ relationships and the old school tie played their part in guaran- teeing the co-operation of the accompanying press correspondents.113 The reporting of events in the Indian nationalist press was simply dismissed as false accusations by those with an axe to grind. Major Iggulden, was adamant that ‘all’ supplies had been ‘scrupulously’ paid for and that ‘monasteries and villages had been most religiously respected’.114 On the odd occasion that an officer had attempted to enforce the no looting order those who were caught simply claimed that the items were ‘lying’ around and were just picked up. General Macdonald reluctantly admitted that a ‘certain amount of spoil [had fallen] into the hands of [the] troops’ during assaults on hostile mon- asteries though he claimed that the amount of looting was ‘trivial’. 111 Which means that two thousand were not. Major W. J. Ottley, With Mounted InfantryinTibet(London,1906),p.252. 112 The area surrounding Gyantse was reconnoitred by the British, eager to dis- cover any curios that had been hidden by the monks; a nearby monastery was broken into, the two Tibetans inside were killed and articles looted. Diary of Lance Sergeant Alfred Stanley Dunning. Royal Regiment of Fusiliers Museum, London. 113 Many of Younghusband’s letters to his wife mention the special relationship that had developed between Landon and Younghusband, who shared the same mess at Gyantse. Also, Ampthill informed Brodrick that he was expecting a visit from Landon after the mission and that they were old Oxford friends. Ampthill wanted to talk to Landon about the mission and would also ‘endeavour to persuade him’ to curtail his advocacy of a forward policy in The Times. Ampthill to Brodrick, 5 August 1904, Mss Eur. E233/37. OIOC. 114 H. A. Iggulden, ‘To Lhasa with the Tibet Expedition 1903–4’, Journal of the Royal United Services Institution 49, 1905, pp. 659–79, p. 675. 106 MICHAEL CARRINGTON He also claimed that he ‘had to punish, severely, [the] few isolated cases’ with which he dealt.115 Those who claimed to have purchased religious artefacts did not seem to realize or care that the items were not the monks’ to sell.116 The treasures of Tibet belonged to the people as a whole and were of national importance (many looted treasures were irreplaceable; statues were sometimes filled with the remains of important lamas). It is doubtful that important religious artefacts would have been willingly sold to the British. Many who were critical of the mission thought that the monks were only selling items because of the aggressive nature of the British. The Statesman thought that when it was understood that the British did not intend to threaten the independence of Tibet the monks would be ‘something less or more than human if they were to refuse to part with the treasures which they are known to have inherited.’117 But Tibet held vast stores of treasure and many officers were determined to appropriate items for themselves and/or their respective institutions.118 The British officer, and hence the British national character, had to be seen to be above reproach and the correspondence between the various departments reflects an attempt to sanitize the removal of a considerable amount of material from the monasteries. Opinion became polarized between certain sections of the mission as disagreement arose over the legitimacy of the thefts. But the obsession with information and knowledge meant that looting was institutionalized throughout the whole military and civil hierarchy and this guaranteed compliance from any of those present that might have prevented it. 115 Macdonald to Adjutant General in India, 14 August 1904, L/PS/7/170. OIOC. I have found no evidence of punishment for looting though there was a number of corporal punishments (usually 50 lashes) dealt out to recalcitrant sepoys who flouted military regulations. See, list of offences and punishments in the field diaries of Lt Haddow. DRO. 116 The Government had given Waddell 10,000 rupees to spend on books and manuscripts and he amassed over two thousand items, this would only allow for an average of five rupees per item. 117 Statesman 21 July 1904, cited in, Foreign (External) B, August 1904, proceed- ings nos 254–254 A., NAI. 118 After the mission returned there was quite an interest in Tibetan artefacts and institutions wrote to members of the mission in order to borrow items for exhibitions. The Wellcome Institute wanted to borrow items for a medical exhibi- tion and wrote to Younghusband, the press correspondents Landon and Candler and Claude White the Political Officer in Sikkim as they thought they ‘would have many interesting articles ....’ Curry to Younghusband, Candler, Landon and White, 19 May 1905. WA/HMM/CO/EAR/192, Wellcome Institute, London. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 107 A number of issues are pertinent to the 1903/4 mission to Tibet. There are debates concerning the Great Game, the man on the spot, of surplus energy, the official mind, of periphery, frontier, frontiersman, the role of buffer states, of exploration, of international rivalry and trade. There are issues surrounding the very ‘act’ of looting, further debates about the collection of mat- erials for display in the ‘temples of Empire’ and their relationship to the reinforcement of elite hegemony in Britain and the Empire. But what I am suggesting here, is that the desire for books, manuscripts and curios, became an important element, even a central plank, of the philosophy of the Tibet mission and that this event may be illustrative of wider concerns within the British Empire in the early twentieth century. This is not to attempt a monocausal approach to an analysis of the mission, but to expose issues surrounding the dualistic official/unofficial obsession with the collection of Tibetan Buddhist artefacts. This obsession with collecting has a relationship with the maintenance of British ‘char- acter’ and the control of information as an integral element in the production of knowledge as power. Tibet was one of the last blank spaces on the map, but more importantly it was blank during a time of profound change in Victorian psychological thought.119 The period of the supposed ‘new’ imperialism, from the 1870s onward, saw an international scramble for imperial possessions and an increasingly perceived threat to the establish- ment from within Britain. By the turn of the twentieth century Victoria was dead and British hegemony seemed to be in a state of transition; it was crucial that any attack on British character should be parried successfully. But the threat to the British char- acter needed to be tempered with the desire to acquire articles with which to define and determine the position of the British in opposition to the world of the ‘exotic’ and the ‘other’. Confident in the assertion that a cover up could be occasioned the British administration were party to the most blatant looting of religious objects from monasteries defended by demoralized monks and troops who were convinced that victory against the technologically superior Europeans was impossible. On one level the Tibet mission was just one more threat to Curzon’s conception of moral Empire; though placed within a 119 For an excellent discussion on the ‘crisis of time and space’ and the wider implications of Tibet during this period see, Peter Bishop, The Myth of Shangri-La (London, 1989). 108 MICHAEL CARRINGTON global imperial context it reflects the British state’s concerns with knowledge and the strategic impulse to open up a territory con- tiguous with its ‘jewel in the crown’.120 Tibet ‘was’ unique to a certain extent; it existed on and beyond the Himalayan frontier of India in an imperial and indigenous mythical space.121 Thomas Richards claims that Tibet was the ‘prevalent model for the archi- val confinement of total knowledge under the purview of the state’;122 as such, it was literally a magnet to an information gathering state in transitional flux. Once an expedition entered the country, it was inevitable that narrow individual profit motive would combine with institutional Orientalist motives and produce a willingness to plunder the monasteries in the search for curios and rare texts. Even if Curzon, or Ampthill as acting Viceroy, had wanted to stop the looting they would have been powerless against institutions and senior British officials who were reflecting contem- porary obsessions with information and knowledge as part of the surveillance of ‘other’ societies. On the surface the British seemed willing to gamble with one of the most important representations of the British character itself (the reputation of the officer and the gentleman), in the almost obsessive desire to obtain the know- ledge of Tibet, the ‘irrational’ and ‘depraved’ Orient. However, the reputation of the officer and gentleman was never really under threat. The myth of the officer and the gentleman was part of the hegemonic project of the British Empire, the knowledge of Tibet was ‘acquired’ and the myth continued. The looting of ‘curios’ during the latter part of the nineteenth and the early part of the twentieth century produced a considerable amount of material. An immense proportion of the loot must have been sold off privately for a handsome profit, the rest going to various institutions who used it in their museums to re-enforce notions of colonial superiority, or as so often happened, had it buried in the vaults of the metropole (where much of it still resides). But ulti- 120 Strategic concerns were certainly important though imperial expansion for any reason was inextricably connected with knowledge collection/surveillance of one kind or another as had been evident in other campaigns over the frontier during the nineteenth century (Burma or Afghanistan, for example). 121 As Alex McKay has noted that ‘myth and legend generally require a place- ment outside normal constraints of time and space, so it was no coincidence that the frontier, the zone with the weakest area of definition and administration, was the strongest realm of Indian indigenous and imperial myth.’ Alex Mackay, Tibet and the British Raj (Richmond, 1997), p. 190. 122 Richards, p. 11. OFFICERS, GENTLEMEN AND THIEVES 109 mately, this type of material was being gathered in Asia and Africa at this time because, in the midst of an organic crisis, knowledge was thought to be the most important profit of Empire.123 123 In May of 1905 Lieutenant-Colonel H. A. Iggulden, (formerly Major) Chief Staff Officer to the Tibet mission sold 169 Tibetan artefacts to the British Museum. Colonel F. W. O’Connor (formerly Captain) interpreter with the Tibet mission sold thirteen items to the British Museum in July of 1906. In December 1906 L. A. Waddell gave 26 items to the British Museum (See British Museum register of acquisitions for 1905 and 1906). For the next three decades the auction houses of London regularly sold items appropriated during the mission. Many items offered for sale were ‘rare’ or ‘of the finest specimens’ and were referenced as ‘secured from a monastery by an officer in the Younghusband expedition’ or ‘collected during the Younghusband expedition’. Many lot descriptions mentioned that items had been appropriated from Gyantse or the Palkor Choede at Gyantse (for example, see cata- logues for Knight, Frank and Rutley for 14 December 1915 and 2 December 1932 and Stevens, for 18–19 July 1922). Waddell auctioned over 50 Tibetan artefacts through Sothebys in 1920, some of these items originated from monasteries in Tibet and were acquired during the Tibet mission (see Sotheby’s catalogue for 29–30 November 1920 which also includes items from another mission officer Captain, later Colonel Walton). Many of the above artefacts offered for sale were particularly rare and important specimens of a religious nature. ￼￼￼Itineraries 71 Organised Tours 71 Chóngwén&SouthChaoyang 72 Dōngchéng 83 Cháoyáng 94 Fēngtái & Xuānwǔ 96 Hǎidiàn & Xīchéng 98 Around Běijīng 100 © Lonely Planet Publications Sights ￼ ￼lonelyplanet.com Sights ITINERARIES 70 Sights 71 Sights uomenwai Dajie in the east and Fuxingmennei Dajie and Fuxingmenwai Dajie in the west), along which runs Line 1 of the subway. The district of Chóngwén, containing the Temple of Heaven, lies south of Dōngchéng, and Cháoyáng is a huge neighbourhood to the north, east and southeast of both Dōngchéng and Chóngwén. The neighbourhoods of Běijīng, a flat city of largely uniform character uninterrupted by major waterways or hilly terrain, are not clearly delineated by distinct boundaries or physi- cal features, yet the city is divided into numerous historical districts. South of Xīchéng and Dōngchéng is the district of Xuānwǔ, largely enclosed within the Second Ring Rd, and the huge district of Fēngtái which covers a huge swathe of southwest Běijīng. The colossal district of Hǎidiàn, sprawling west and north of Xīchéng, is the pre- serve of some of Běijīng’s premier sights, including the Summer Palace, the Old Summer Palace and Fragrant Hills Park. The Forbidden City acts as the cartographic and physical focus of Běijīng, the bull’s-eye around which the city’s notable historic sights cluster and the city’s five ring roads radiate concentrically. Běijīng’s most historic quarters surround the Forbidden City and Tianan- men Square, within the looping boundary of the Second Ring Rd and subway Line 2. ITINERARIES Xīchéng (West City) is the district to the west of the Forbidden City and the Drum Tower. Dōngchéng (East City) is conversely the neighbourhood to the east of these points. Both Xīchéng and Dōngchéng are the city’s core districts, containing Běijīng’s most ancient mon- uments, famous lakes and hútòng (alleyways) and enclosing the former Imperial City. One Day For all practical purposes, north and south Běijīng are divided by Chang’an Jie (divided into Dongchang’an Jie and Xichang’an Jie; becoming Jianguomennei Dajie and Jiang The Forbidden City (p87) is Běijīng’s obligatory sight, so devote at least a morning to the palace and the sights of nearby Tiananmen Square (p81). Hop on the subway from Tiananmen Xi to Wangfujing Dajie and lunch at Quanjude Roast Duck Restaurant (p131) or Wangfujing Snack Street (p124). Walk off your meal browsing shops along Wangfujing Dajie before taking a taxi to the Temple of Heaven Park (p79) for a few hours. Try to squeeze in a performance of Chinese acrobatics at the Chaoyang Theatre (p152) before rounding off the evening by wining and dining in Sanlitun (p132). NEIGHBOURHOODS 0 0 2 km 1 mile Three Days H†idiàn Hǎidiàn & Xīchéng (pp98–100) Cháoyáng (pp94–6) On day three make an early morning visit to the Temple of Heaven Park (p79) before browsing the stalls and bric-a-brac shops of Liulichang (p167). In the afternoon, journey to the Summer Palace (p102); alternatively, walk along the restored Ming City Wall (p78) from Chongwenmen to the Southeast Corner Watchtower (p79) and then, if you have the time, the Lama Temple (p91) or Běijīng’s hútòng (p106) can be explored. Cap the day dining at Bookworm (p135). F‰ngtái Tours in and around Běijīng and to other parts of China can be arranged through several companies. The recommended China Culture Club (%6432 9341, ext 18; www.chinese cultureclub.org; 29 Liangmaqiao Lu) offers a range of fascinating tours geared to expats and foreign tourists. Destinations range from Běijīng to off-the-beaten-track locations W©dàok¡u The Forbidden City (p87) and the monuments of Tiananmen Square (p81) can easily occupy an en- tire morning, before lunch at the Liqun Roast Duck Restaurant (p126) or other roast duck eateries in the vicinity of Qianmen. In the afternoon, follow our walking tours around the Foreign Legation Quarter (p114) and Wangfujing Dajie (p115). Dine perched next to the east gate of the Forbidden City at Courtyard (p131) or hoover up snacks along Donghuamen Night Market (p128). To round off the day, take a taxi to Sanlitun (p143) or Nanluogu Xiang (p141) and find a bar. Fēngtái & Xuānwǔ (pp96–8) Chóngwén & South Chaoyang (pp72–83) X ̧chéng Dōngchéng (pp83–94) Cháoyáng Xuƒnw© Chóngwén ORGANISED TOURS DŸngchéng Follow the three-day schedule above but bump exploration of the Summer Palace (p102) to day four and devote an entire day to the complex. A comprehensive appraisal of the 798 Art District (p103) should occupy the morning of the fifth day, leaving the afternoon free for our bike ride around Běijīng (p118), which threads through much of the city’s hútòng heartland. On day six take a trip to Chéngdé (p203) or Shānhǎiguān (p200), where you can either return the same day or spend the night. Alternatively, devote the entire day to exploring the Great Wall vestiges at Huánghuā (p196), where you can also overnight. Make day seven a shopping day, with trips to Silk Street (p164), the Sanlitun Yashow Clothing Market (p167), Oriental Plaza (p163) and the shops of Dashilar (p161); if it’s a weekend, rise early to sift through the goods at Panjiayuan Market (p163). See also map section, p257 Sanlitun Embassy Area One Week Jianguomenwai Embassy Area On day two take a day trip to the Great Wall (p191) and the Ming Tombs (p197). Back in Běijīng, spend the evening enjoying Beijing opera (p147) at one of the city’s numerous theatres and dine at Xiao Wang’s Home Restaurant (p126). ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼72 73 around China and they also offer a vari- ety of stimulating courses on Chinese lan- guage and culture. Panda Tour (%6522 2991; 36 Nanlishi Lu) offers tours to popu- lar sights in and around town, including trips around hútòng, acrobatic shows and other performances. Panda Tour can also be found at hotel counters including at St Regis (p182), Kempinski (p186) and Shangri-La (p188). Numerous outfits run tours around Běijīng’s hútòng, see the His- toric Hútòng chapter (p106) for details. The short ‘hútòng-style’ bus tours that run from the south end of pedestrianised Wangfujing Dajie are uninteresting and best avoided. China International Travel .cn; Rm 1212, CITS Bldg, 1 Dongdan Beidajie) and China Travel Service (CTS; %6464 6400, ext 6448/6422; 2 Beisanhuan Donglu) both run tours, but are generally aimed at Chinese tourists. CTS is at hotel counters including at the Hilton and the Novotel. The Beijing Tourist Information Centers (p231) dotted around Běijīng can also link you up with tours; also ask at your hotel, which should offer tours to the big sights. ANCIENT OBSERVATORY Map pp268-9 Gǔ Guānxiàngtái 古观象台 %6524 2202; adult Y10; h9.30-11.30am & 1-4.30pm, sometimes closed on Monday; bJianguomen French and Germans. Some were returned in 1902, and others were returned after WWI, under the provisions of the Treaty of Versailles (1919). CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG longed to the old Chinese quarter, south of the Qing dynasty Tartar City Wall and well beyond the exclusive imperial zone. Historically an enclave of the lǎobǎixìng (common people), this was a typically more down-at-heel and shabby neighbour- hood, threaded by small hútòng and home to the shops and bazaars of Dashilar and the hóngdēngqū (red light district). Yet this district also belongs in the south, an as- pect facing the sun and indicative of yáng (the male and positive principle). Blessed with such positive attributes, it is not sur- prising that the principle imperial shrine of Běijīng, the Temple of Heaven, is also located here. A considerable amount of investment has been ploughed into pret- tifying the shops around Qianmen Dajie in the lead-up to the 2008 Olympic Games, although Dashilar has also suffered much destruction. on astrologers to plan military endeavours. The present observatory – the only surviving example of several constructed during the Jin, Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties – was built between 1437 and 1446 to facilitate both astrological predictions and seafaring navigation. 崇文、朝阳南 At ground level is a pleasant courtyard – perfect for parking yourself on a bench and recharging – flanked by halls housing displays (with limited English captions), including China’s Ancient Astronomical Achievements Exhibition. Also within the courtyard is a reproduction-looking armil- lary sphere supposedly dating to 1439, supported by four dragons. At the rear is an attractive garden with grass, sundials and another armillary sphere. Eating p124; Shopping p161; Sleeping p180 This segment of Běijīng embraces the his- toric swathe south and southeast of the For- bidden City, largely within the loop of the Hùchénghé (City Moat) and the footprint of the now vanished Chinese City Wall. It also incorporates parts of Dōngchéng, Xīchéng and Xuānwǔ districts. Climb the steps to the roof and see an array of Jesuit-designed astronomical instru- ments, embellished with sculptured bronze dragons and other Chinese flourishes – a unique mix of East and West. The Jesuits, scholars as well as proselytisers, arrived in 1601 when Matteo Ricci and his associates were permitted to work alongside Chinese scientists. Outdoing the resident calen- dar-setters, they were given control of the observatory and became the Chinese court’s official advisers. Instruments on display include an Azimuth Theodolite (1715), an Altazimuth (1673) and an Ecliptic Armilla (1673); of the eight on view, six were de- signed and constructed under the supervi- sion of the Belgian priest Ferdinand Verbiest. It’s not clear which instruments on display are the originals. During the Boxer Rebellion, the instru- ments disappeared into the hands of the The area north of Qianmen Xidajie and Qianmen Dongdajie and within the Second Ring Rd was the historic Manchu sector of Běijīng. Within the southern extents of the old Tartar City are the Gate of Heavenly Peace and artefacts of the Imperial City, including the Supreme Temple and the Im- perial Archives. BEIJING PLANNING EXHIBITION HALL Map pp268-9 Běijīngshì Guīhuà Zhǎnlǎnguǎn 北京市规划展览馆 Not surprisingly, this core district also contains the city’s brashest Communist Party symbols, including the imposing portrait of Mao Zedong and his mauso- leum, the Great Hall of the People and Tiananmen Square itself. This is also where the foreign powers chose to estab- lish their legation quarters (p76) in the 19th century. This little-visited exhibition hall takes particular pains to present Běijīng’s gut- wrenching, hútòng-felling metamorphosis in the best possible light. English labelling is sadly scarce; the only exhibits of note are a detailed bronze map of the town in 1949 – ironically the very year that sealed the fate of old Peking – and a huge, de- tailed diorama of the modern metropolis. The rest of the exhibition is a paean to modern city planning and the unstoppa- ble advance of the concrete mixer, while 3-D films trumpet ‘The New Běijīng’. The area south of Qianmen Xidajie and Qianmen Dongdajie traditionally be- TOP FIVE BĚIJĪNG MUSEUMS Avidly explore the imperial acreage of the Palace Museum (the Forbidden City, p87). Find time for Běijīng’s snappily designed Capital Museum (p96). Star-gazing is perhaps on the back foot in today’s Běijīng – it may take a supernova to penetrate the haze that frequently blankets the nocturnal sky – but the Chinese capital has a sparkling history of astronomical observation. BEIJING NATURAL HISTORY MUSEUM Map pp268-9 Běijīng Zìrán Bówùguǎn 北京自然博物馆 %6702 4431; 126 Tianqiao Nandajie; adult Y30; h8.30am-4.30pm Tue-Sun, last entry 4pm; Catch up with the long arm of the law at the Beijing Police Museum (p74). Peruse the exhibition commemorating the Impe- rial City at the Imperial City Exhibition (p77). Savour the elegant collection of the Poly Art Museum (p95). The observatory – today mounted on the battlements of a watchtower lying along the line of the old Ming City Wall – originally dates back to Kublai Khan’s days when it lay north of the present site. Khan – like later Ming and Qing emperors – relied heavily b Qianmen Service (CITS; %8511 8522; www.cits.com The main entrance to this overblown, creeper-laden museum is hung with portraits of the great natural historians, including Darwin and Linnaeus (here spelt Linnacus). Escort kiddies to the revamped dinosaur hall facing you as you enter, which presents itself with an overarching skeleton of a mamenchisaurus jingyanensis – a vast sauropod that once roamed China – and a much smaller protoceratops. Creepy crawlies are consigned to the second floor, there’s an aquarium with Nemo-esque clown fish and an exhibition on the origins of life on earth, but the lack of English captions is baffling. Some of the exhibits, such as the spliced human cadavers and genitalia in the notorious Hall of Human Bodies are best reserved for those with strong constitu- tions, while visiting with munchkins could subject them to months of vivid nightmares and nocturnal disturbances. Visiting exhibi- tions are occasionally staged, again without English explanations. Some halls were being revamped at the time of writing. The subway stations of Qianmen, Chong- wenmen and Jianguomen recall some of the Tartar City Wall’s vast and imposing gates, of which only the Front Gate (p76) and the Southeast Corner Watchtower (Dongbian- men; p79) to the southeast, survive. The road looping south from Jianguomen sta- tion, following the line of the city moat, marks the outline of the levelled Chinese City Wall, whose gates survive only in street names, such as Guangqumen Nanbinhe Lu, Zuo’anmen Xibinhe Lu and Yongdingmen Dongbinhe Lu. %6701 7074; 20 Qianmen Dongdajie; admission Y30; h9am-5pm Tue-Sun; bQianmen ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼74 A short stroll from Wangfujing Dajie and part of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, this 75 BEIJING MUSEUM PASS 博物馆通票 rather old-fashioned but centrally located exhibition hall displays a selection of Chinese art in a variety of media over three floors. leave your camera in your bag you will be charged for it). This pass (Bówùguǎn Tōngpiào) is a fantastic investment that will save you both money and queuing for tickets. For Y80 you get either complimentary access or discounted admission (typically 50%) to almost 90 museums, temples or tourist sights in and around Běijīng. Attractions covered include a section of the Great Wall at Bādálǐng, Confucius Temple and the Imperial College, the Bell Tower, the Imperial City Exhibition, Miaoying Temple White Dagoba, Dongyue Temple, Zhihua Temple, Fayuan Temple, Wanshou Temple, the Beijing Planetarium, the Beijing Natural History Museum, the Xu Beihong Museum and many others. Not all museums are worth visiting, but many are worthwhile and you only have to visit a small selection of museums to get your money back. The pass comes in the form of a booklet (Chinese with minimal English), valid from 1 January to 31 December in any one year. The pass can be picked up from participating museums and sights. It is sometimes hard to find (especially as the year progresses), so phone (%6222 3793 or 8666 0651; you may need a Chinese speaker) or consult www.bowuguan.bj.cn (in Chinese) to locate stocks. CHAIRMAN MAO MEMORIAL HALL CHINA NATIONAL MUSEUM BEIJING POLICE MUSEUM Map pp268-9 Běijīng Jǐngchá Bówùguǎn 北京警察博物馆 %8522 5018; 36 Dongjiaomin Xiang; adult Y5; h9am-4pm Tue-Sun; bQianmen an army of Chinese beneath Běijīng’s streets to burrow a huge warren of bombproof tunnels. The task was completed Cultural Revolution–style – by hand – with the finish- ing touches made in 1979, just as Russia de- cided to bog down in Afghanistan instead. Housed in a sombre 1950s edifice, this museum is a work in progress, suffering from chronic lighting, a tawdry layout and sporadic English captions. At the time of writing only three halls were open, the most absorbing of which houses the gor- geous bronzes and ceramics of the Se- lected Treasures of the National Museum of China – look out for the Bronze Rhino- Shaped Zun inlaid with gold and silver designs from the Western Han. The cheesy waxworks museum is mildly diverting. Infested with propaganda perhaps, but some riveting exhibits make this a fas- cinating exposé of Běijīng’s dà gài mào (local slang for the constabulary). Learn how Běijīng’s first Public Security Bureau (PSB) college operated from the Dongyue Temple (p94) in 1949 and find out how officers tackled the ‘stragglers, disbanded soldiers, bandits, local ruffians, hoodlums and despots....’ planted in Běijīng by the Kuomintang (KMT). There are also eye- opening accounts of how KMT spies Li Andong and Yamaguchi Takachi planned to mortar the Gate of Heavenly Peace (p76), and a welcome analysis of how the Běijīng PSB was destroyed during the ‘national catastrophe’ of the Cultural Revolution. Altogether 9685 policemen were dismissed from their posts during the paroxysms of violence – spot the yawning gap among portraits of PSB directors from June 1966 to June 1977. The museum covers grisly business: there’s Wang Zhigang’s bombing of Beijing Train Station on 29 October 1980, an explosion at Xidan Plaza in 1968, while upstairs the museum gets to grips with morbid crimes and their investigations. A section of tunnels enticingly known as the Beijing Underground City can be explored. English-language tours guide you along parts of this mouldering warren, past rooms designated as battlefield hospitals, a cinema, arsenals, other anonymous vaults and portraits of Mao Zedong. There’s even a rudimentary elevator, flood-proof doors and a ventilation system to expel poisonous gases. Most of the tunnels are around 8m below ground, so it’s cold and very damp, with the humidity increasing the deeper you go (sections at greater depths are flooded). Clad in combat gear, the guide waves down dark and uninviting tunnels, announcing their end points: one leads to the Hall of Preserving Harmony in the Forbidden City, another winds to the Summer Palace, while yet another reaches Tiānjīn (a mere 130km away), or so the guide insists. A tiresome detour to an underground silk factory con- cludes the trip – pass on the pricey duvet covers and pillow cases and make for the door and daylight. Emerging from the exit, head east and take a peek down the first alley on your right – Tongle Hutong – one of Běijīng’s narrowest. Easy as it now is to vilify his excesses, many Chinese still show deep respect when confronted with the physical presence of the man. You are reminded to remove your hat and you can fork out Y3 for a flower to lay at the foot of a statue of Mao. Further on, the Great Helmsman’s mummified corpse lies in a crystal cabinet, draped in an anachronistic red flag emblazoned with hammer and sickle, as guards in white gloves impatiently wave the hoi-polloi on towards further rooms, where a riot of Mao kitsch – lighters, bracelets, statues, key rings, bottle openers, you name it – ensues. Don’t expect to stumble upon Jung Chang signing copies of her Mao, the Unknown Story (see p24). At certain times of the year the body requires maintenance and is not on view. Bags need to be deposited at the building east of the memorial hall across the road from Tiananmen Square (if you DUAN GATE Map pp268-9 Duān Mén 端门 North of Gate of Heavenly Peace; admission Y10; h8.30am-4.30pm; bTiananmen Xi or Tiananmen Dong Sandwiched between the Gate of Heavenly Peace and Meridian Gate, Duan Gate was stripped of its treasures by foreign forces quelling the Boxer Rebellion. The hall today is hung with photos of old Běijīng, but steer your eyes to the ceiling, wonderfully painted in its original colours and free of the cosmetic improvements so casually inflicted on so many of China’s other historic monuments – including, it must be added, the slap-dash red paintwork on the exterior walls of Duan Gate itself. BEIJING UNDERGROUND CITY CENTRAL ACADEMY OF FINE ARTS GALLERY Map p262 Zhōngyāng Měiyuàn Měishùguǎn 中央美院美术馆 Subway Line 1: Tiananmen Xi and Tiananmen Dong subway stops serve Tiananmen Square, the Forbidden City, the Imperial City Exhibition and the Imperial Archives; Wangfujing subway stop serves Wangfujing Dajie, and you can backtrack into the Foreign Legation Quarter from here; get off at the Jianguomen stop (both Line 1 and Line 2) for the Ancient Observatory, Southeast Corner Watchtower and the restored Ming City Wall Ruins Park. Line 2: The Qianmen stop is right by Front Gate; Chongwenmen takes you to the Ming City Wall Ruins Park that leads to the Southeast Corner Watchtower; alight at the Beijingzhan stop for Beijing Train Station. Line 2 intersects with Line 1 at Jianguomen. Line 5: Still under construction at the time of writing, the north–south Line 5 intersects with Line 1 at Dongdan and with Line 2 at Chongwenmen, running south to Ciqikou, Tiantandongmen and Puhuangyu. Map pp268-9 Běijīng Dìxiàchéng 北京地下城 62 Xidamochang Jie; adult Y20; h8am-6pm; bChongwenmen By 1969, as the USA landed on the moon, Mao had decided the future for Běijīng’s people lay underground. Alarmist predic- tions of nuclear war with Russia dispatched %6527 7991; 5 Xiaowei Hutong; admission Y5; h9.30am-4pm Tue-Sun; bWangfujing Bus Services along Chang’an Jie include buses 1 and 4, travelling from Sihuizhan along Jianguomenwai Dajie, Jianguomennei Dajie and Chang’an Jie; bus 20 journeys from Tianqiao via Qianmen to Wangfujing, Dongdan and Beijing Train Station. Map pp268-9 Map pp268-9 Máo Zhǔxí Jìniàntáng 毛主席纪念堂 Southern side of Tiananmen Square; admission free, bag/camera storage Y2-10/2-5; h8.30-11.30am Tue-Sun, 2-4pm Tue & Thu, not open pm in Jul & Au- gust; bTiananmen Xi, Tiananmen Dong or Qianmen An obligatory place of pilgrimage for China’s proletariat and a must-see for those breez- ing around Tiananmen Square or on the trail of Běijīng’s rare freebies, this mausoleum should not be missed. Mao Zedong died in September 1976, and his mausoleum was constructed shortly after on the site of Zhonghua Gate (Zhonghua Men p82). Zhōngguó Guójiā Bówùguǎn 中国国家博物馆 Eastern side of Tiananmen Square; admission Y30, audio tour Y30; h8.30am-4.30pm; bTiananmen Dong TRANSPORT ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼76 77 FOREIGN LEGATION QUARTER the destruction of the Alexandrian Library as an irreparable loss; not so many precious books, perhaps, yet the Hanlin College antedated the Alexandrian Library by nearly seven hundred years.’ Hung with a vast likeness of Mao, the dou- ble-eaved Gate of Heavenly Peace is a potent national symbol. Built in the 15th century and restored in the 17th century, the gate was formerly the largest of the four gates of the Imperial City Wall (皇城; Huáng Chéng). Called Chengtian Men during the Ming dynasty, it was renamed Tianan Men during Emperor Shunzhi’s reign during the Qing dynasty. The gate is guarded by two pairs of Ming stone lions; one of the creatures apocry- phally blocked the path of Li Chuangwang as he invaded Běijīng at the end of the Ming dynasty. Li fended the lion off by stabbing its belly with his spear while on horseback, leav- ing a mark that can still be seen. Other locals dispute this story, arguing that it is a bullet hole from allied force guns, when troops entered Běijīng to quell the Boxer Rebellion. service) and the Ministry of Justice, the Great Hall of the People is the venue of the legis- lature, the National People’s Congress (NPC). The 1959 architecture is monolithic and intimidating, and a fitting symbol of China’s remarkable political inertia. The tour parades visitors past a choice of 29 of its lifeless rooms named after the provinces of the Chi- nese universe. Also here is the banquet room where US President Richard Nixon dined in 1972, and the 10,000-seat auditorium with the familiar red star embedded in a galaxy of ceiling lights. The Great Hall of the People is closed to the public when the People’s Con- gress is in session. The ticket office is down the south side of the building. Bags need to be checked in but cameras are admitted. Map pp268-9 bChongwenmen, Qianmen or Wangfujing As James Ricalton described the Foreign Legation district in the days after the Boxer Rebellion: Here the fire was as hot as anywhere. A cannon ball came through the wall of this legation and carried off the head of Mr Wagener, a gentleman in the customs service. I was told by good authorities that this burned district, destroyed ruthlessly and uselessly, represented, at a low estimate, five million dollars’ worth of property. The library was burnt down by Muslim Huí troops in a disastrous bid to flush out besieged Westerners. The former Foreign Legation Quarter, where the 19th century foreign powers flung up their embassies, schools, post offices and banks, lay east of Tiananmen Square. Stroll around Taijichang Dajie and Zhengyi Lu which still suggest its former European flavour (see the Tiananmen Square & Foreign Legation Quarter Walk p114). On the northern corner of Taijichang Toutiao’s intersection with Taijichang Dajie survives a brick in the wall engraved with the road’s former foreign name: Rue Hart. FRONT GATE Map pp268-9 Qián Mén 前门 %6525 3176; adult Y10; h8.30am-4pm; bQianmen Front Gate actually consists of two gates. The northernmost of the two, the 40m-high Zhengyang Gate (正阳门; Zhèngyáng Mén) dates from the Ming dynasty and was the largest of the nine gates of the inner city wall separating the inner, or Tartar (Manchu), city from the outer, or Chinese, city. Partially de- stroyed in the Boxer Rebellion, the gate was once flanked by two temples that have since vanished. With the disappearance of the city walls, the gate sits out of context, but you can climb it for views of the square, although at the time of writing the gate was being restored. Similarly torched during the Boxer Rebellion, the Arrow Tower (箭楼; Jiàn Lóu) to the south also dates from the Ming and was originally connected to Zhengyang Gate by a semicircular enceinte (demolished last cen- tury). To the east is the old British-built Qian Men Railway Station (老车站; Lǎo Chēzhàn), now housing shops and restaurants, while to the south extends Qianmen Dajie, under- going wholesale repackaging for 2008. Today’s political coterie watch mass troop parades from here, and it was from this gate that Mao proclaimed the People’s Republic on 1 October 1949. The dominat- ing feature is the gigantic portrait of the ex-chairman, to the left of which runs the poetic slogan ‘Long Live the People’s Re- public of China’ and to the right ‘Long Live the Unity of the Peoples of the World’. The district was turned into a war zone during the famous legation siege during the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901). Probably the greatest cultural loss was the torching of the Hanlin Academy, the centre of Chinese learning and literature. Ricalton noted: You pass through the gate on your way to the Forbidden City if entering the palace from the south. Climb up for excellent views of Tiananmen Square, and peek inside at the impressive beams and overdone paintwork. There’s no fee for walking through the gate, but if you climb the gate you’ll have to buy an admission ticket and pay (Y1-6) to store your bag at the kiosk about 30m northwest of the ticket office. As it’s a state symbol, security at the gate can be intense. IMPERIAL CITY EXHIBITION Map pp268-9 Huáng Chéng Yìshùguǎn 皇城艺术馆 %8511 5104; www.huangcheng.org; 9 Changpu Heyan; adult Y20, audio tour Y50; h10am- 5.30pm; bTiananmen Dong ‘The Classics of Confucius inscribed on tablets of marble were treasured there; these are gone; the 20,000 volumes of precious literature are gone; and this venerable institution, founded a thousand years before the Christian era...is a heap of ruins. The loss of thousands of volumes of ancient records recalls GREAT HALL OF THE PEOPLE Substantial portions of Běijīng survive solely in a twilight world of fading nostalgia. This fascinating museum is devoted to one of the city’s most splendid creations: the Imperial City (皇城; Huáng Chéng), which – beyond its fragmented constituent parts – exists At the junction of Taijichang Dajie and Dongjiaomin Xiang stands the gaunt twin- spired St Michael’s Church, facing the buildings of the former Belgian Embassy. Along the western reaches of Dongjiaomin Xiang you’ll pass the former French Legation (behind bright red doors), the former French post office (now the Jingyuan Sichuan Restaurant) and the fascinating Beijing Police Museum (p74). There are five doors to the gate, fronted by seven bridges spanning a stream. Each of these bridges was restricted in its use, and only the emperor could use the central door and bridge. The soldiers performing the punctilious daily flag raising and lower- ing ceremony on Tiananmen Square (p81) emerge through the gate. IMPERIAL ARCHIVES Map pp268-9 Huángshǐ Chéng 皇史宬 136 Nanchizi Dajie; admission free; h9am-7pm; bTiananmen Dong Tucked away on the right-hand side of the first road to the east of the Forbidden City is the former Imperial Archives, repository for the imperial records, decrees, the ‘Jade Book’ (the imperial genealogical record) and huge encyclopaedic works, including the Yongle Dadian and the Daqing Huidian. You can peer through the closed door and make out the chests in which the archives were stored. With strong echoes of the splendid imperial palace, the courtyard contains well-preserved halls and the Wan Fung Art Gallery (www.wanfung.com.cn; hnoon-6pm Mon & 10am-6pm Tue-Sun). GATE OF HEAVENLY PEACE Map pp268-9 Tiānānmén 天安门 North of Tiananmen Square; adult Y15; h8.30am- 4.30pm; bTiananmen Xi or Tiananmen Dong Rénmín Dàhuìtáng 人民大会堂 Western side of Tiananmen Square; adult Y30, bag deposit Y2-5; husually 8.30am-3pm (times vary); bTiananmen Xi Map pp268-9 in name alone. Centrepiece of the only ex- tant chunk of the Imperial City Wall, the mu- seum is within the Changpu River Park (Chāngpú Hé Gōngyuán), a delightful, if contrived, formula of marble bridges, rock features, paths, a stream, willows, magnolias, scholar and walnut trees north of Dongchang’an Jie. On a site previously occupied by Taichang Temple, the Jinyiwei (Ming dynasty secret ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼78 79 The museum functions as a memorial to the demolished wall, gates and buildings of the Imperial City. A diorama in the museum reveals the full extent of the yellow-tiled Imperial City Wall, which encompassed a vast chunk of Běijīng nearly seven times the size of the Forbidden City. In its heyday, 28 large temples could be found in the Impe- rial City alone, along with many smaller shrines. Many of these can be observed on the diorama, including a large temple in the northwest of the Imperial City with a dou- ble-eaved hall similar to the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests (p81) at the Temple of Heaven Park. Period photos of the old gates of Běijīng and images of the halls and pavil- ions in Zhōngnánhǎi are hung on the walls. IT’S FREE TOP FIVE SOUTHEAST CORNER WATCHTOWER & RED GATE GALLERY Map pp268-9 Dōngnán Jiǎolóu & Hóngmén Huàláng 东南角楼、红门画廊 Gallery (%6525 1005; www.redgategallery .com; admission free; h10am-5pm), one of Běijīng’s long-established modern art galler- ies; the 2nd-floor gallery has an exhibition on the watchtower, the city gates and the his- tory of Chóngwén district, while the 3rd-floor gallery contains more paintings. Say you’re visiting the Red Gate Gallery and the Y10 entry fee to the watchtower will be waived. Further galleries have exhibits of imperial ornaments such as ruyi (sceptres), porcelain and enamelware, and the weapons and armour of the imperial guards. There are also small exhibitions on Běijīng’s hútòng and, downstairs, a bookshop and a rotating exhibition of paintings. ther section of original, collapsing wall if you follow Jianguomen Nandajie north of the Southeast Corner Watchtower. The dishev- elled wall runs to your left as you walk north up Jianguomen Nandajie. Take a left onto Beijingzhan Dongjie where you can see the wall come to a halt as it meets the pavement. The most perfect example of Ming architecture, Tiāntán – literally ‘Altar of Heaven’ but commonly called temples – has come to symbolise Běijīng. MING CITY WALL RUINS PARK MONUMENT TO THE PEOPLE’S HEROES Map pp268-9 Rénmín Yīngxióng Jìniànbēi 人民英雄纪念碑 Tiananmen Square; bTiananmen Xi, Tiananmen Dong or Qianmen The temple originally served as a vast stage for the solemn rites performed by the emperor, the Son of Heaven (天子; Tiānzǐ), as he sought good harvests, divine clear- ance and atonement for the sins of the people. The complex of halls is set in a 267- hectare park with gates at each point of the compass and bounded by walls. Map pp268-9 Míng Chéngqiáng Yízhǐ Gōngyuán 明城墙遗址公园 The Temple of Heaven’s unique archi- tectural features will delight numerologists, necromancers and the superstitious – not to mention acoustic engineers and carpenters. Shape, colour and sound combine to take on symbolic significance. Seen from above the temples are round and the bases square, a pattern deriving from the ancient Chinese belief that heaven is round and earth is square. Thus the northern end of the park is semicircular and the southern end is square. The Temple of the Earth, also called Ditan (see Ditan Park p86), in the north of Běijīng is on the northern compass point, and the Temple of Heaven is on the southern. Chongwenmen Dongdajie; h24hr; bChongwenmen Topped with saplings, trees and a healthy head of vegetation, the last surviving slice of the Ming Inner City Wall (originally 40km in length) runs along the length of the northern flank of Chongwenmen Dongdajie, attached to a slender and pleasant strip of park. Levelled in the 1950s to facilitate trans- port and compromise the legacies of earlier dynasties, the city wall is perhaps Běijīng’s most conspicuous chunk of lost heritage. North of Mao’s mausoleum, the Monument to the People’s Heroes was completed in 1958. The 37.9m-high obelisk, made of Qīngdǎo granite, bears bas-relief carvings of key patriotic and revolutionary events (such as Taiping rebels and Lin Zexu destroying opium at Hǔmén), as well as calligraphy from communist bigwigs Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Mao’s eight-character flourish proclaims ‘Eternal Glory to the People’s He- roes’. The monument is illuminated at night. The watchtower is punctured with 144 archers’ windows, and attached to it is a 100m section of the original inner city wall, beyond which stretches the restored Ming City Wall (opposite ), extending all the way to Chongwenmen. Inside the highly impressive interior is some staggering carpentry: huge red pillars surge upwards, topped with solid beams. The 1st floor is the site of the Red Gate South of Beijing Train Station, the park runs from the former site of Chongwen Men (Chongwen Gate; one of the nine gates of the inner city wall) to the Southeast Corner Watchtower (opposite). You can walk the park’s length, taking in its higgledy-piggledy con- tours and the interior layers of stone in parts of the wall that have collapsed. The restored sections run for 2km, rising to a height of around 15m and interrupted every 80m with buttresses (dun tai) extending to a maximum depth of 39m. The most interesting sections of wall are those closer to their original and more dilapidated state and some of the bricks have bullet holes. You can find a fur- SONGTANGZHAI MUSEUM Map pp268-9 Sōngtángzhāi Mínjiān Diāokè Bówùguǎn 松堂斋民间雕刻博物馆 14 Liulichang Dongjie; admission by voluntary donation; h9am-6pm Tue-Sun; bHepingmen This small museum on Liulichang Dongjie has few English captions, but it’s one of the few places you can see traditional Chinese carv- ings gathered together. Well worth popping into if wandering Liulichang (p167). Seek out the gateway from Jiāngxī with its elaborate architraving, examine drum stones, Buddhist effigies, ancient pillar bases and stone lions. TOP FIVE BĚIJĪNG PARKS The most important ceremony of the year was performed just before the winter sol- stice when the emperor and his enormous entourage passed down Qianmen Dajie Badly off or broke in Běijīng? Try the following for free thrills: File past Mao Zedong’s embalmed remains in the %8512 1554; Dongbianmen; adult Y10; h9am-5pm; bJianguomen or Chongwenmen This splendid fortification, with a green-tiled, twin-eaved roof rising up imperiously south of the Ancient Observatory, dates back to the Ming dynasty. Clamber up the steps for views alongside camera-wielding Chinese trainspotters eagerly awaiting rolling stock grinding in and out of Beijing Train Station. Mounting the battlements, two forlorn stumps of flag abutments and a cannon or two can be seen, but really worth hunting out are the signatures etched in the walls by allied forces during the Boxer Rebel- lion. Look for the brass plaque in Chinese and a sheet of Perspex nailed to the wall near the top of the steps. You can make out the name of a certain P Foot; ‘USA’ is also scrawled on the brickwork. The inter- national composition of the eight-nation force that relieved Běijīng in 1900 is noted in names such as André, Stickel and what appears to be a name in Cyrillic. One brick records the date ‘Dec 16 1900’. Allied forces overwhelmed the redoubt after a lengthy engagement. Note the drainage channels poking out of the wall along its length. You can reach the watchtower from the west through the Railway Arch, which was built for the first railway that ran around Běijīng. Chairman Mao Memorial Hall (p75), followed by a breezy circuit of Tiananmen Square (p81). Wander at will around Běijīng’s charming hútòng (p106), either on foot or by bike. Pop into the grand Imperial Archives (p77) and the TEMPLE OF HEAVEN PARK Map pp268-9 Tiāntán Gōngyuán 天坛公园 Tiantan Donglu; low season Y10-30, high season Y15-35, audio tour available at each gate Y40; hpark 6am-9pm, sights 8am-6pm; bChongwen- men, Qianmen, or Tiantandongmen art exhibition at the on-site Wan Fung Art Gallery. You don’t have to buy anything wandering along Wangfujing Dajie (p161). Take our bike ride (p118) and see Běijīng on the cheap. It is said that if you clap or shout standing on the stones, the sound is echoed once from the first stone, twice from the second stone and thrice from the third stone. Queues can get long at this one. decided that pine logs from the forests of Oregon would constitute proper feng-shui. This decision very happily corresponded with the best engineering advice, and the New World furnished the pillars which you now see. Temple of Heaven West Gate West Heavenly Gate Gate of Prayer for Good Harvests Imperial Vault of Heaven 皇穹宇 The octagonal Imperial Vault of Heaven (Huáng Qióng Yǔ) was built at the same time as the Round Altar, and is structured along the same lines as the older Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests. It used to contain spirit tablets used in the winter solstice ceremony. Yongding Gate (Yongdingmen) it was burnt to cinders in 1889 and heads rolled in apportioning blame (although lightning was the most likely cause). A faith- ful reproduction based on Ming architectural methods was erected the following year, the builders choosing Oregon fir for the support pillars, as explained by Lucian S Kirtland in Finding the Worthwhile in the Orient (1926): Hall of Abstinence Imperial Vault of Heaven All this is made more amazing by the fact that the wooden pillars ingeniously support the ceiling without nails or cement – quite an accomplishment for a building 38m high and 30m in diameter. The hall un- derwent large-scale restoration in 2006. sacred tablets to the Round Altar, where the prayers and sacrificial rituals took place. It was thought that this ritual decided the na- tion’s future; hence a hitch in any part of the proceedings was regarded as a bad omen. Round Altar 圜丘 The 5m-high Round Altar (Yuán Qiū) was constructed in 1530 and rebuilt in 1740. Assembled from white marble arrayed in three tiers, its geometry revolves around the imperial number nine. Odd numbers were considered heavenly, and nine is the larg- est single-digit odd number. The top tier, thought to symbolise heaven, contains nine rings of stones. Each ring has multiples of nine stones, so that the ninth ring has 81 stones. The middle tier – earth – has the 10th to 18th rings. The bottom tier – humanity – has the 19th to 27th rings. The number of stairs and balustrades are also multiples of nine. If you stand in the centre of the upper terrace and say something, the sound bounces off the marble balustrades, making your voice sound louder (by nine times?). When it was desired to rebuild the temple, and the Manchus were determined to copy in detail the building which had been destroyed, it was found that China’s forests were bereft of timbers which could uphold the heavy tiled roof. After much argument with themselves, the necromancers of the court finally Although the park can be entered through any of the gates at the cardinal points, the imperial approach to the temple was via Zhaoheng Gate (昭亨门; Zhāohēng Mén) in the south, and that is reflected in our ordering of the principal sights below. The square is laid out on a north–south axis. Threading through the Front Gate (p76) to the south, the square’s meridian line is straddled by the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall (p75), cuts through the Gate of Heavenly Peace (Tiānānmén; p76) – the gate that lends its name to the square – to the north, and cleaves through the Forbidden City (p87). Full of old cypresses, the park remains an important meeting place. Get here at 6.30am (before the temple structures are open) to see tàijíquán (also known as taichi), dancing to Western music and various other games being played. This is how Běijīng awakens; by 9am it becomes just another Chinese park. In the square, one stands in the symbolic centre of the Chinese universe. The rectan- gular arrangement, flanked by halls to both Bell Tower Red Stairway Bridge East Heavenly Gate Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests Temple of Heaven East Gate Temple of Heaven North Gate Temple of Heaven South Gate Tiantandongmen North Heavenly Gate Round Altar Seven-Star Rock The four central pillars symbolise the seasons, the 12 in the next ring denote the months of the year, and the 12 outer ones represent the day, broken into 12 ‘watches’. Embedded in the ceiling is a carved dragon, a symbol of royalty. The patterning, carving and gilt decoration of this ceiling and its swirl of colour is a dizzying sight. Echo Wall Proceeding north from the Imperial Vault is a walkway called the Red Stairway Bridge (丹陛桥; Dānbì Qiáo), leading to the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests. Robing Terrace Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests Zhaoheng Gate Taiyuan Gate The crowning structure of the whole com- plex is the Hall of Prayer for Good Harvests (Qínián Diàn), magnificently mounted on a three-tiered marble terrace and capped with a triple-eaved umbrella roof. Built in 1420, bTiananmen Xi, Tiananmen Dong or Qianmen The world’s largest public square at 440,000 sq metres, Tiananmen Square is a vast desert of paving stones at the heart of Běijīng and a poignant epitaph to China’s hapless democracy movement. It may be a gran- diose Maoist tourist trap, but there’s more than enough space to stretch a leg. And the view can be breathtaking, especially on a clear day and at nightfall when the square is illuminated. Kites flit through the sky, chil- dren stamp around on the paving slabs and Chinese out-of-towners huddle together for the obligatory photo opportunity with the great helmsman’s portrait. On National Day (1 October), Tiananmen Square is packed. 祈年殿 TIANANMEN SQUARE Map pp268-9 Tiānānmén Guǎngchǎng 天安门广场 ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights CHÓNGWÉN & SOUTH CHAOYANG ￼82 83 east and west, to some extent echoes the layout of the Forbidden City. As such, the square employs a conventional plan that pays obeisance to traditional Chinese culture, but its ornaments and buildings are largely Soviet-inspired. What is noticeable is the low level of the skyline – there are no high-rises here in the very centre of the city – which maximises the dome of the sky. writing. Outside the China National Museum (p75), a LED clock counts down the seconds to the 2008 Olympic Games. Palace. Despite the unappealing name, this was the emperor’s premier place of worship, the Supreme Temple (太庙; Tài Miào). If you find the Forbidden City either too colossal or crowded, the temple halls here (all undergo- ing renovation at the time of writing) are a cheaper and more tranquil alternative; there is also a tennis court (%6512 2856) here if you want to practise your backhand within ear- shot of the Forbidden City. The huge halls of the temple remain, their roofs enveloped in imperial yellow tiles, beyond a quiet grove of ancient cypresses and enclosed within the Glazed Gate (琉璃门; Liúlí Mén). Rising up to the splendid Front Hall, the scene of imperial ceremonies of ancestor worship, are three flights of steps. Only gods could traverse the central plinth; the emperor was consigned to the left-hand flight. The plaque above ZHONGSHAN PARK Map pp268-9 Zhōngshān Gōngyuán 中山公园 West of Tiānānmén; adult Y3; h6am-9pm; bTiananmen Xi Tiananmen Square as we see it today is a modern creation and there is precious little sense of history. During Ming and Qing times part of the Imperial City Wall (皇城; Huáng Chéng) called the Thousand Foot Corridor (Qiānbù Láng) poked deep into the space today occupied by the square, enclosing a section of the impe- rial domain. The wall took the shape of a ‘T’, emerging from the two huge, and now absent, gates that rose up south of the Gate of Heavenly Peace – Chang’an Zuo Gate and Chang’an You Gate – before running south to the vanished Daming Gate (Daming Men). Called Daqing Gate during the Qing dynasty and Zhonghua Gate during the Republic, the Daming Gate had three watchtowers and upturned eaves and was guarded by a pair of stone lions. It was pulled down after 1949, a fate similarly reserved for Chang’an Zuo Gate and Chang’an You Gate. East and west of the Thousand Foot Corridor stood official departments and temples, including the Ministry of Rites, the Ministry of Revenue, Honglu Temple and Taichang Temple. If you get up early you can watch the flag-raising ceremony at sunrise, performed by a troop of People’s Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers drilled to march at precisely 108 paces per minute, 75cm per pace. The soldiers emerge through the Gate of Heavenly Peace to goosestep faultlessly across Chang’an Jie as all traffic is halted. The same ceremony in reverse is performed at sunset. Ask at your hotel for flag-raising/ lowering times so you can get there early, as crowds can be quite intense. This pleasant park sits west of the Gate of Heavenly Peace, with a section hedging up against the Forbidden City moat. A refresh- ing prologue or conclusion to the magnifi- cence of the adjacent imperial residence, the park was formerly the sacred Ming-style Altar to the God of the Land and the God of Grain (Shèjìtán), where the emperor offered sacrifices. The square altar (wǔsè tǔ) remains, bordered on all sides by walls tiled in vari- ous colours. Near the park entrance stands a towering dark blue tiled páilou (decorative archway) with triple eaves that originally commemorated the German Foreign Min- ister Baron von Ketteler, killed by Boxers in 1900. In the eastern section of the park is the Forbidden City Concert Hall (p150). Take the northeastern exit from the park and find yourself by the Forbidden City’s Meridian Gate; from here you can reach the Supreme Temple and the Workers Cultural Palace (opposite). Mao conceived the square to project the enormity of the Communist Party, so it’s all a bit Kim Il-Sungish. During the Cultural Revolution, the chairman, wearing a Red Guard armband, reviewed parades of up to a million people here. In 1976 another million people jammed the square to pay their last respects to Mao. In 1989 army tanks and soldiers forced pro-democracy demonstra- tors out of the square. Although it seems likely that no one was actually killed within the square itself, possibly thousands were slaughtered outside the square. Despite being a public place, the square remains more in the hands of the government than the people; it is monitored by closed circuit TV cameras, and plainclothes police are primed to paralyse the first twitch of dissent. W1P3 Oriental Plaza, 1 Dongchang’an Jie; adult Y10; h10am-4.30pm Mon-Fri, 10am-6.30pm Sat & Sun; West of the Great Hall of the People (p77), the future National Grand Theater – with its contro- versial styling and out-of-place looks – was approaching completion at the time of Northeast of the Gate of Heavenly Peace; adult Y2; h6.30am-7.30pm; bTiananmen Dong The top right corner of the old Impe- rial City, the eastern boundary of which ran along Donghuangchenggen Nanjie and Donghuangchenggen Beijie and then west along Dianmen Dongdajie and Dianmen Unless you want a map you’ll have to sidestep determined map-sellers and their confederates – the incessant learners of English – and just say no to the ‘poor’ art students press-ganging tourists to view their exhibitions; fending them off can be draining. the Front Hall is inscribed in both Chinese and Manchu. Sadly this hall, as well as the Middle Hall and Rear Hall behind, is inacces- sible. As with Zhongshan Park, the northern perimeter of the park abuts the palace moat (tǒngzi hé), where you can find a bench and park yourself in front of a fine view. Take the northwest exit from the park and find yourself just by the Forbidden City’s Merid- ian Gate and point of entry to the palace. Bicycles cannot be ridden across Tianan- men Square (apparently tanks are OK), but you can walk your bike. Traffic is one way for north–south avenues on either side of the square. DŌNGCHÉNG 东城 Eating p127; Shopping p164; Sleeping p182 Bounded to the north and east by the Second Ring Rd and by Chang’an Jie to the south, Dōngchéng (East City) is one of Běijīng’s most historic districts. Formerly marking the centre of Yuan dynasty Běijīng, a city whose east-west axis later shifted south, the Drum and Bell Towers rise up from an area riddled with charming hútòng and lanes. In fact, hútòng crisscross the entire district, and wandering in the resulting maze is one of the best ways to appreciate the city. BEIJING WANGFUJING PALEOLITHIC MUSEUM Map pp268-9 Běijīng Wángfǔjǐng Gǔrénlèi Wénhuà Yízhǐ Bówùguǎn 北京王府井古人类文化遗址博物馆 XIANNONG ALTAR & BEIJING ANCIENT ARCHITECTURE MUSEUM Map pp268-9 Xiānnóng Tán & Běijīng Gǔdài Jìanzhù Bówùguǎn 先农坛、北京古代建筑博物馆 21 Dongjing Lu; admission Y15; h9am-4pm; bQianmen Dating to 1420, this altar – to the west of the Temple of Heaven – was the site of solemn imperial ceremonies and sacrificial offerings. Glance at any pre-1949 map of Běijīng and you can gauge the massive scale of the altar; today, many of its original structures survive, but what remains is a tranquil and little-visited constellation of relics. Located within what is called the Hall of Jupiter (太岁殿; Tàisuì Diàn) – the most magnificent surviving hall – is the excellent Beijing Ancient Architecture Museum (h9am-4pm) which informatively narrates the elements of traditional Chinese building techniques. Brush up on your dǒugǒng brackets and sǔnmǎo joints, get the lowdown on Běijīng’s courtyard houses, while eyeballing detailed models of standout temple halls and pago- das from across the land. English captions. bWangfujing Archaeologists and anthropologists will be rewarded at this simple museum de- tailing the tools and relics (stone flakes, bone scrapers, fragments of bone etc) of Late Pleistocene Man who once inhabited Běijīng. The discoveries on display were un- earthed during the construction of Oriental Plaza in 1996. To find the museum, take exit ‘A’ from the Wangfujing metro station. The centrepiece of this district, however, is the Forbidden City, which forms a mas- sive and imperious chunk of the southwest. At the heart of the former Imperial City (a large part of which belongs to Dōngchéng), the rectangular outline of the imperial pal- ace and its moat imprints itself on the rest of Dōngchéng. Progressively larger squares and parallelograms of streets radiate out from the Forbidden City, culminating in the boxlike boundary of the Second Ring Rd. WORKERS CULTURAL PALACE Map pp268-9 Láodòng Rénmín Wénhuà Gōng 劳动人民文化宫 On the Forbidden City’s southeastern flank opposite Zhongshan Park and away from the frantic hubbub is the Workers Cultural ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼￼ong Hut n Jingshan Xijie ia gj n o G ￼￼n Dashizuo Hutong J e Palace Moat n W Jingshan Qianjie DX e m n a n ￼y i X a i a h h n ￼a i ￼s Q i Zh ￼￼￼￼ i e ji a id e i J Jie ianmen ji g n n ji u o t g n o L 84 Belhai Park 85 Xidajie, is in Dōngchéng. None of the four gates of the Imperial City Wall survive, but a few fragments of Dongan Men (p86) can be seen near the Forbidden City’s east gate (Donghua Men). Also part of the erstwhile Imperial City, Jingshan Park and Beihai Park have strong imperial connections. Qianhai Lake, across the road north from Beihai Park, lay just outside the Imperial City. The area around the lake, which is also called Shíchàhǎi (Sea of the Ten Buddhist Temples, presumably denoting the shrines that once stood here), has developed an ever-growing bar and café industry thriving on its picturesque and historic ambience. that entered Běijīng in 1900 to quash the BELL TOWER Map p262 0 BEIHAI PARK 0 200 m 0.1 miles Běijīng’s finest temple, the Lama Tem- ple, lies just within the Second Ring Rd to the northeast, and a short walk south is Běijīng’s Confucius Temple. emblazoned with the characters ‘Long a stout pole), weighing 63 tons and sus- Guang’ on one side. Head up the steps to pended within a pleasantly unrestored Dōngchéng also hosts Běijīng’s premier shopping street: Wangfujing Dajie, with its host of top-name shops and malls. of Milefo and Weituo. Pu’an Hall, the next between its namesake towers. 6 hall, houses a statue of Tsong Khapa, 8 founder of the Yellow Hat sect of Tibetan Buddhism, flanked by statues of the fifth CHINA ART MUSEUM Map p262 Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama. Eight Zhōngguó Měishùguǎn 中国美术馆 golden effigies on either flank include %6401 7076/2252; 1 Wusi Dajie; adult Y5; Tantric statues and the goddess Heinümu, h9am-5pm, last entry 4pm; g103, 104, 106 or adorned with a necklace of skulls. The 108 to Meishu Guan stop final flight of steep steps brings you to the dagoba. healthy shot of imagination and flair, with Jade Islet East Gate e BEIHAI PARK Map p262 Běihǎi Gōngyuán 北海公园 Northwest of the Forbidden City; adult Y5, through ticket to sights Y20; h6.30am-8pm, buildings to 4pm; bTiananmen Xi, then g5 A relaxing opportunity to amble about, grab a snack, sip a beer, rent a rowing boat, or admire calligraphers scribbling Chinese characters on paving slabs with water and fat brushes, Beihai Park is largely lake, or more specifically the lake of Beihai (which literally means ‘North Sea’). The associated South and Middle Seas to the south to- gether lend their name to the nerve centre of the Communist Party west of the Forbid- den City, Zhōngnánhǎi. Yongan Bridge Round City The park, covering an area of 68 hec- tares, was the former playground of the Yuan emperors. Jade Islet in the lower middle is composed of the heaped earth scooped out to create the lake – some attribute this to Kublai Khan. ing and more universalist conceptions from the island across from Fújiàn. English cap- tions can be sporadic, but this is a first-rate place to see modern art from China and EATING Fangshan Restaurant ...............................................11 B2 The site is associated with the Great Khan’s palace, the navel of Běijīng before the Forbidden City replaced it. All that remains of the Khan’s court is a large jar made of green jade dating from 1265 in the Round City (Tuán Chéng; admission Y1) near the park’s southern entrance. Also within the Round City is the Chengguang Hall (Chéngguāng Diàn), where a white jade statue of Sakyamuni from Myanmar can be found, its arm wounded by the allied forces that perennially swathes its cypresses and pavilions, China’s second largest Confucian temple has restored its main hall, which houses a statue of the sage, Kongzi (Con- fucius). Some of Běijīng’s last remaining páilou bravely survive in the hútòng outside (Guozijian Jie). Boxer Rebellion. Dominating Jade Islet on the lake, the 9 Zhonglouwan Linzi, north end Dianmenwai Dajie; 36m-high White Dagoba was originally built adult Y15; h9am-5pm; g5, 58 or 107 in 1651 for a visit by the Dalai Lama, and Fronted by a Qing dynasty stele, the Bell 3 4 North Gate was rebuilt in 1741. You can reach the On the northeastern shore of the islet is the handsome, double-tiered Painted Gallery ing doses of colour and vibrancy. Běijīng’s (Huàláng). Near the boat dock is the Fang- shan Restaurant (p131), a restaurant that pre- pares imperial recipes favoured by Empress Cixi, who was partial to 120-course dinners Taipei Fine Arts Museum, the latter offering with about 30 kinds of desserts. SIGHTS & ACTIVITIES Chengguang Hall ..............................................................1 B3 Dacizhenru Hall .......................................................2 A1 Glazed Pavilion .................................................................. 3 A1 Jingxin House .....................................................................4 B1 Nine Dragon Screen ........................................................ 5 A1 Pavilion of Calligraphy ................................................... 6 A2 SmallWesternParadise .................................................7 A2 White Dagoba .........................................................................8 B3 Xītiān Fànjìng ................................................................9 A1 Yongan Temple ..............................................................10 B3 Xītiān Fànjìng, on the lake’s northern shore, is one of the city’s most interesting temples (admission is included in your park ticket). themes – with the light-footed, invigorat- Taichi (tàijíquán) practitioners can frequently be seen practising outside the main en- trance. The first hall, the Hall of the Heavenly Kings, takes you past Milefo, Weituo and the four Heavenly Kings. The Dacizhenru Hall dates abroad and, just as importantly, to watch to the Ming dynasty and contains three the Chinese looking at art. Lifts allow for huge statues of Sakyamuni, the Amithaba disabled access. Buddha and Yaoshi Fo (Medicine Buddha). The golden statue of Guanyin at the rear is CONFUCIUS TEMPLE & IMPERIAL sadly unapproachable. The hall is supported COLLEGE Map p262 by huge wooden pillars (nánmù), and you Kǒng Miào & Guózǐjiàn 孔庙、国子监 can make out where the original stone pil- lars existed. At the very rear of the temple 13 Guozijian Jie; adult Y10; h8.30am-5pm; is a glazed pavilion and a huge hall that are bYonghegong both unfortunately out of bounds. Long neglected like a discarded piece of The nearby Nine Dragon Screen (Jiǔlóng Bì; unloved bric-a-brac, the arid Confucius included in the through ticket), a 5m-high Temple offers a quiet sanctuary from and 27m-long spirit wall, is a glimmering Běijīng’s congested, smoggy streets and stretch of coloured glazed tiles. snarling traffic. In a bid to clear the dust Many of the temple’s stele pavilions are bricked up alongside gnarled cypresses that claw at the sky. At the rear, a forest of 190 stelae records the 13 Confucian classics in 630,000 Chinese characters. Also inscribed on stelae are the names of successful can- didates of the highest level of the official Confucian examination system. It was the Zhōnglóu 钟楼 Tower – originally built in 1272 – sits Silkworm Altar dagoba through the Yongan Temple (in- 2 along an alley directly north behind the 5 cluded in the through ticket). Enter the Drum Tower. The tower burnt down dur- 9 temple through the Hall of the Heavenly ing the reign of Yongle and was rebuilt Kings, past the Drum and Bell Towers to in 1420, only to succumb once again to Painted Boat Studio Rowboat the Hall of the Wheel of the Law, with its flames; the present tower dates to 1745. 7 Dock central effigy of Sakyamuni and flanked Five Dragon Clamber up the steep steps and marvel Pavilion by Bodhisattvas and 18 luóhàn. At the rear Boat House is a bamboo grove and a steep flight of at its massive bell (Chinese bells have steps up through a decorative archway, no clappers but are instead struck with Beihai Lake Rowboat Dock interior. Augment visits with rooftop the Zhengjue Hall, which contains a statue drinks at the Drum & Bell (p142), located 11 This revamped museum has received a Zhonghai Lake absorbing exhibitions from abroad promis- art lovers have lapped up some top notch presentations here, from the cream of Italian design to modern artworks from the a chance to compare contemporary main- land Chinese art – with its burdensome political baggage and endlessly recurring West Gate 1 South Gate 10 ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼86 87 ambition of every scholar to see his name engraved here, but it wasn’t easy. Each candidate was locked in one of about 8000 cubicles, measuring roughly 1.5 sq metres, for a period of three days. Many died or went insane during their incarceration. Moon (Yuètán), the Altar of the Sun (Rìtán; p95) and the Altar to the God of the Land and the God of Grain (Shèjìtán; p83), Ditan is the Temple of the Earth. The park, site of imperial sacrifices to the Earth God, lacks the splendour of the Temple of Heaven Park but is worth a stroll if you’ve just been to nearby Lama Temple. During Chinese New Year, a temple fair is held here, and destroyed and restored. Stagger up the in- credibly steep steps for wide-ranging views over Běijīng’s rooftops. The drums of this later Ming dynasty version were beaten to mark the hours of the day – in effect the Big Ben of Běijīng. Time was kept with a water clock and an idiosyncratic system of time divisions. On view is a large collection of drums, including the large and dilapidated Night Watchman’s Drum (gēnggǔ; gēng being one of the five two-hour divisions of the night) and a big array of reproduction drums. Originally there were 25 watch drums here, and damage to the drums is blamed on allied forces that quelled the Boxers back in 1900. There is also an analysis of the ancient Chinese seasonal divisions and an exhibition relating to old Běijīng. When ascending or descending the Drum Tower, watch out for slippery steps. into the hands of opportunistic court officials and eunuchs. It wasn’t until 1911 that revolu- tion eventually came knocking at the huge doors, bringing with it the last orders for the Manchu Qing and dynastic rule. Like everywhere in town, skeletons lurk in the temple cupboard and a distaste- ful footnote lurks unrecorded behind the tourist blurb. Běijīng writer Lao She (p93) was dragged here in August 1966, forced to his knees in front of a bonfire of Beijing opera costumes to confess his anti-revo- lutionary crimes, and beaten. The much- loved writer drowned himself the next day in Taiping Lake. in winter, a sparkling ice festival is staged. The park’s large altar (fāngzé tán) is square in shape, symbolising the earth. Within the park, the art gallery One Moon (Yīyuè Dāngdài Yìshù; %6427 7748; www.onemoonart.com; h11am-7pm Tue-Sun) displays thoughtful contemporary Chinese art from a 16th- century-dynasty temple hall, a funky meet- ing of the Ming and the modern. If visiting the art gallery alone (admission free), the entrance fee to the park should be waived. Its mystique diffused (the Běijīng authori- ties insist on prosaically calling the complex the Palace Museum or gùgōng bówùguǎn; 故宫博物馆), entry to the palace is no longer prohibited. In former ages the price for uninvited admission would have been instant death; these days Y40-60 will do. West of the Confucius Temple stands the Imperial College (Guózǐjiān), where the emperor expounded the Confucian classics to an audience of thousands of kneeling students, professors and court officials – an annual rite. Built by the grandson of Kublai Khan in 1306, the former college was the supreme academy during the Yuan, Ming and Qing dynasties. On the site is a marvel- lous glazed, three-gate, single-eaved decora- tive archway, called a liúli páifāng (glazed archway). The Biyong Hall beyond is a twin- roofed structure with yellow tiles surrounded by a moat and topped with a gold knob. DONGAN MEN REMAINS Map p262 Míng Huáng Chéng Dōngānmén Yízhǐ 明皇城东安门遗址 Imperial Wall Foundation Ruins Park, intersection of Donghuamen Dajie & Beiheyan Dajie; h24 hr; bTiananmen Dong FORBIDDEN CITY Map p262 Zǐjìn Chéng 紫禁城 %6513 2255; www.dpm.org.cn; adult Y40 Nov- Mar, Y60 Apr-Oct, Clock Exhibition Hall & Hall of Jewellery Y10 each; h8.30am-4pm May-Sep, 8.30am-3.30pm Oct-Apr; bTiananmen Xi or Tiananmen Dong The magnificent Forbidden City, so called because it was off limits to commoners for 500 years, occupies a primary position in the Chinese psyche. To the Han Chinese, the Forbidden City is a contradictory symbol. It’s a politically incorrect yarn from a pre- revolutionary dark age, but it’s also one spun from the very pinnacle of Chinese civili- sation. It’s not therefore surprising that more violent forces during the Cultural Revolution wanted to trash the place. Perhaps hearing the distant tinkle of the tourist dollar, Pre- mier Zhou Enlai did the right thing by step- ping in to keep the Red Guards at bay. Don’t confuse the Gate of Heavenly Peace (p76) with the Forbidden City en- trance. Some visitors purchase a Gate of Heavenly Peace admission ticket by mis- take, not realising that this admits you only to the upstairs portion of the gate. The Forbidden City ticket booths are on either side of the Meridian Gate – walk north until you can’t walk any further without paying and you will spot the queues nearby. Restaurants and, controversially, a branch of Starbucks can be found within the Forbidden City, as well as toilets. Exterior photography is no problem, but photographing the interior of halls is often prohibited. Wheelchairs (Y500 deposit) are free to use as are strollers (Y300 deposit). At the time of writing, several palace halls, including the Gate of Supreme Harmony, were undergoing restoration and were inaccessible, shrouded and out of view. Religious artefact and souvenir shops are scattered around the vicinity of the Lama Temple (p91) and Guozijian Jie, stocking effigies of Buddhist deities and Bodhisat- tvas along with Buddhist keepsakes and talismans (hùshēnfú). In an excavated pit on Beiheyan Dajie sits a pitiful stump, all that remains of the mag- nificent Dongan Men, the east gate of the Imperial City. Before being razed, the gate was a single-eaved, seven-bay wide building with a hip and gable roof capped with yel- low tiles. The remnants of the gate – COURTYARD GALLERY Map pp258-9 四合院画廊 %6526 8882; www.courtyard-gallery.com; 319 Cao- changdi, Chaoyang; admission free; g735 or 402 Recently relocated from its famous loca- tion in the basement of the namesake restaurant (p131) just east of the Forbidden City, this gallery is a trendy component of the flourishing contemporary art scene in Caochandi, a few kilometres northeast of the 798 Art District (p103). just two layers of 18 bricks – may make for dull viewing but of more interest are the accompanying bricks of the excavated Ming dynasty road that used to run near Dongan Men. The road is around 2m lower than the current road level, its expertly made bricks typical of precisely engineered Ming dynasty brickwork. The remains are located in the Imperial Wall Foundation Ruins Park, a thin strip of park that follows much of the course of the eastern side of the Imperial City Wall. History DITAN PARK Map p262 Dìtán Gōngyuán 地坛公园 East of Andingmenwai Dajie; park Y2, altar Y5; h6am-9pm; bYonghegong DRUM TOWER Map p262 Gǔlóu 鼓楼 Gulou Dongdajie; adult Y20; h9am-5.30pm; g5, 58 or 107 The Drum Tower was first built in 1272 and marked the centre of the old Mongol capital Dàdū. Originally constructed of wood, the structure went up in flames and was rebuilt in 1420, since then it has been repeatedly This gargantuan palace complex – China’s largest and best preserved cluster of ancient buildings – sheltered two dynasties of em- perors, the Ming and the Qing, who didn’t stray from their pleasure dome unless they absolutely had to. A bell jar dropped over the whole spectacle maintaining a highly rarefied atmosphere that nourished its elitist community. A stultifying code of rules, proto- col and superstition deepened its other- worldliness, perhaps typified by its twittering band of eunuchs. From here the emperors governed China, often erratically and hap- hazardly, with authority occasionally drifting Constructed on the site of a palace dating to Kublai Khan and the Mongol Yuan dynasty, the Ming emperor Yongle established the basic layout of the Forbidden City between 1406 and 1420. The grandiose emperor employed battalions of labourers and crafts workers – by some estimates there may have been up to a million of them – to build it. The palace lay at the heart of the Impe- rial City, a much larger, walled enclosure reserved for the use of the emperor and his personnel. The wall enclosing the Forbidden City – assembled from 12 million bricks – is the last intact surviving city wall in Běijīng. Cosmologically juxtaposed with the Temple of Heaven (Tiāntán; p79), the Altar of the Most of the buildings you see now are post-18th century: the largely wooden pal- ace was a tinderbox and fire was a constant hazard – a lantern festival combined with a Ignore unscrupulous characters who insist that you must have an official guide to see the palace; it isn’t true. For Y40, rent a funky automatically activated audio tour instead. ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights DŌNGCHÉNG ￼88 89 sudden gust of Gobi wind would easily send flames dancing in unexpected directions, as would a fireworks display. Fires were also deliberately lit by court eunuchs and officials who could get rich off the repair bills. you fully occupied and the enthusiast will make several trips. Whatever you do, don’t miss the delightful courtyards, pavilions and mini-museums within them on each side of the main complex. Dàdiàn), the heart of the Forbidden City. The Hall of Supreme Harmony (Tàihé Diàn) is the most important and the largest structure in the Forbidden City. Built in the 15th century and restored in the 17th century, it was used for ceremonial occasions, such as the emperor’s birthday, the nomination of military leaders and coronations. Bronze vats – once full of water for dousing fires – stand in front of the hall; in all 308 such vats were dotted around the Forbidden City with fires lit under them in winter to keep them from freezing over. The large bronze turtle in the front symbol- ises longevity and stability. It has a remov- able lid, and on special occasions incense was lit inside it so that smoke billowed from its mouth. Within the Hongyi Pavilion (Hóngyì Gé) to the west is an exhibition of the cer- emonial music system of the imperial palace. terrace. The outer housing surrounding the Three Great Halls was used for storing gold, silver, silks, carpets and other treasures. It wasn’t just the buildings that went up in flames, but also rare books, paint- ings and calligraphy. Libraries and other palace halls and buildings housing com- bustible contents were tiled in black; the colour represents water in the five-element (wǔxíng) theory, and its symbolic presence was thought to prevent conflagrations. In the 20th century there were two major lootings of the palace by Japanese forces and the Kuomintang. Thousands of crates of relics were removed and carted off to Taiwan, where they remain on display in Taipei’s National Palace Museum (worth seeing). Some say this was just as well, since the Cultural Revolution reduced much of China’s precious artwork to confetti. The palace’s ceremonial buildings lie on the north–south axis of the Forbidden City, from the Gate of Heavenly Peace in the south to Divine Military Genius Gate (Shénwǔ Mén) to the north. Halls west of the Three Great Halls ex- hibit treasures from the palace. Running from south to north the exhibitions cover: scientific instruments (astronomical devices, tel- escopes etc) and details of Jesuit scientists who attended the Qing court, articles of daily use (including imperial hunting guns, chess- boards and ceramics), objects presented as tribute and objects made by the imperial workshop. Layout Immediately behind it is the Hall of Union (Jiāotài Diàn), which contains a clepsydra – a water clock made in 1745 with five bronze vessels and a calibrated scale. There’s also a mechanical clock built in 1797 and a collec- tion of imperial jade seals on display. Ringed by a picturesque 52m-wide moat that freezes over in winter, the palace is so un- speakably big (over 1 million sq metres, with 800 buildings and 9000 rooms) that a perma- nent restoration squad circulates, repainting and repairing. It takes about 10 years to do a full renovation, by which time they have to start repairs again. Many halls have been re- painted in a way that the original pigment is concealed; other halls such as the Hall of Mental Cultivation (Yǎngxīn Diàn), however, are more faithful to their former selves. And despite the attentions of restorers, some of the hall rooftops still sprout tufts of grass. The Golden Stream (Jīn Shuǐ), delightfully fringed by willows, runs through here and into the courtyard in front of the Gate of Su- preme Harmony (Tàihé Mén) where it is shaped to resemble a Tartar bow and spanned by five marble bridges. The dwarfing courtyard could hold an imperial audience of 100,000 people. At the time of writing the majesty of the gate was neutralised by the scaffolding and green awning completely enveloping the gate, but this should be down by 2008. Raised on a three-tier marble terrace with balustrades are the Three Great Halls (Sān Inside the Hall of Supreme Harmony is a richly decorated Dragon Throne (Lóngyǐ) from which the emperor would preside over trembling officials. The entire court had to touch the floor nine times with their foreheads (the custom known as kowtow- ing) in the emperor’s presence. At the back of the throne is a carved Xumishan, the Buddhist paradise, signifying the throne’s supremacy. At the northern end of the Forbidden City is the Imperial Garden (Yù Huāyuán), a classical Chinese garden with 7000 sq metres of fine landscaping, including rockeries, walkways, pavilions and ancient, carbuncular and deformed cypresses. Before you reach the large Divine Military Genius Gate (Shénwǔ Mén), note the pair of bronze elephants whose front knees bend in an anatomically impossible fashion. Even though less than half of the palace (430,000 sq metres) is actually open to visi- tors and it is possible to explore the Forbid- den City in a few hours, a full day will keep Behind the Hall of Supreme Harmony is the smaller Hall of Middle Harmony (Zhōnghé Diàn), which was used as the emperor’s tran- sit lounge. Here he would make last-minute preparations, rehearse speeches and receive close ministers. On display are two Qing dynasty sedan chairs, the emperors’ mode of transport around the Forbidden City. The last of the Qing emperors, Puyi, used a bicy- cle and altered a few features of the palace grounds to make it easier to get around. The western and eastern sides of the Forbidden City are the palatial former living quarters, once containing libraries, tem- ples, theatres, gardens and even the tennis court of the last emperor. Walk east and you can access the Hall of Jewellery (Zhēnbǎo Guǎn; admission Y10; h8.30am-4pm summer, 8.30am-3.30pm winter), tickets for which also entitle you to glimpse the Well of Concubine Zhen (Zhēn Fēi Jǐng), into which the namesake wretch was thrown on the orders of Cixi, and the glazed Nine Dragon Screen (Jiǔlóng Bì). The treasures on view are fascinating: within the Hall of Harmony (Yíhé Xuān) sparkle Buddhist statues fashioned from gold and inlaid with gems, and a gold pagoda glittering with precious stones, fol- lowed by jade, jadeite, lapis lazuli and crystal TRANSPORT Subway Line 2: The Yonghegong stop serves the Lama Temple and the Confucius Temple, and Ditan Park is a short walk north. Line 5: Still under construction at the time of writing, the north–south Line 5 intersects with Line 2 at Yonghe- gong in the north and Dongdan in the south, running through Dengshikou, Dongsi, Zhangzizhonglu and Beixinqiao. The third hall is the Hall of Preserving Harmony (Bǎohé Diàn), used for banquets and later for imperial examinations. The hall has no support pillars, and to its rear is a 250-tonne marble imperial carriageway carved with dragons and clouds, which was transported into Běijīng on an ice path. The emperor was conveyed over the carriageway in his sedan chair as he ascended or descended the Bus The double-decker bus 2 runs along Dongdan Beidajie, Dongsi Nandajie and Dongsi Beidajie to the Confucius and Lama Temples; bus 5 travels from Deshengmen to the Bell Tower, down to Dianmen Xidajie and Jingshan Houjie (for Jingshan Park), on to Beihai Park and Xihua Men (west gate of the Forbidden City), before heading further south to Zhongshan Park and Qianmen; bus 13 runs from the Lama Temple along Dianmen Xidajie to Beihai Park; bus 103 runs from Sundongan Plaza on Wangfujing Dajie to Dengshikou, on to the China Art Museum, the Forbidden City, Jingshan Park and Beihai Park; bus 107 runs from Beihai Park to the Drum Tower then along to Jiaodaokou Dongdajie to Dongzhimen subway station. Restored in the 17th century, Meridian Gate (Wǔ Mén) is a massive portal that in former times was reserved for the use of the emperor. Gongs and bells would sound imperial comings and goings, while lesser mortals used lesser gates: the military used the west gate, civilians the east gate. The emperor also reviewed his armies from here, passed judgment on prisoners, an- nounced the new year’s calendar and over- saw the flogging of troublesome ministers. The basic configuration of the Three Great Halls is echoed by the next group of buildings. Smaller in scale, these buildings were more important in terms of real power, which in China traditionally lies at the back door or, in this case, the back gate. Through the Meridian Gate, Xihe Gate (Xīhé Mén) to your left leads to a pleas- antly green expanse that offers a definitive contrast with much of the rest of the palace grounds that overwhelmingly concerns itself with the affairs of man and heaven. The recently restored Hall of Military Prowess (Wǔyīng Diàn) contains a collection of Ming dynasty paintings and literature. To the west of the terrace is a small pavil- ion with a bronze grain measure and to the east is a sundial; both are symbolic of impe- rial justice. On the corners of the hall’s roof, as with other buildings in the city, there’s a mounted figure with his retreat cut off by mythical and actual animals, a story relating to a cruel tyrant hanged from one such eave. The first structure is the Palace of Heavenly Purity (Qiánqīng Gōng), a residence of Ming and early Qing emperors, and later an audi- ence hall for receiving foreign envoys and high officials. ￼lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG Xichang'an Jie Donghuamen Dajie g n to Du H u Pudusi Xixiang Jingshanqian Jie Pudusi Qianxiang Qihelou Jie Wusi Dajie Dongchang'an Jie anku Nanchizi Jie zi Jie n Beichi e Palace Moat Palace Moat c i J e Ji g a h n a N n i j n ang Jie Nanch e W Beichang Jie lonelyplanet.com Sights DŌNGCHÉNG 90 Forbidden city 91 FORBIDDEN CITY 0 0 300 m 0.2 miles SIGHTS & ACTIVITIES Articles of Daily Use Exhibition .................... 1 B3 Forbidden City. Located at the time of writ- ing in the Fengxian Hall (Fèngxiàn Diàn), the exhibition contains an astonishing array of elaborate timepieces, many gifts to the Qing emperors from overseas. Many of the 18th- century examples are crafted by James Cox or Joseph Williamson (both of London) and imported through Guǎngdōng from England; others are from Switzerland, America and Japan. Exquisitely wrought, fashioned with magnificently designed elephants and other creatures, they all display astonishing artful- ness and attention to detail. Standout clocks include the ‘Gilt Copper Astronomy Clock’ equipped with a working model of the solar system and the automaton-equipped ‘Gilt Copper Clock with a robot writing Chinese characters with a brush’. The Qing court must surely have been amazed by their inge- nuity. Time your arrival with 11am or 2pm to see the clock performance in which choice timepieces strike the hour and give a display to wide-eyed children and adults. Tiananmen Xi Tiananmen Square The Clock Exhibition Hall (Zhōngbiǎo Guǎn) is one of the unmissable highlights of the Zhongshan Park 9 18 Xihua 10 11 Gate ............................................................................. 33 PalaceofHeavenlyPurity ...........................................34 B2 37 Workers Cultural Palace ENTERTAINMENT Forbidden City Concert Hall ................. 44 B5 Golden Stream 23 Meridian Gate ....................................................................... 29 Middle Hall ............................................................................30 C5 NineDragonScreen .....................................................31 C2 Objects made by the Imperial Workshop Exhibition 8 40 73 21 2 B4 B4 C2 16 26 Hall of Mental Cultivation .......................................... 16 Hall of Middle Harmony .............................................. 17 HallofMilitaryProwess ...............................................18 B3 Hall of Preserving Harmony ...................................... 19 B2 Hall of Supreme Harmony ......................................... 20 B3 Hall of Union .................................................................... 21 B2 32 17 33 1 36 Three Great Halls 20 44 41 B3 42 31 38 5 B1 B5 34 28 22 43 19 25 45 39 13 24 27 14 15 Gate of Military Prowess ............................................. 10 Gate of Supreme Harmony ....................................... 11 Hall of Character Cultivation ..................................... 12 Hall of Harmony .............................................................13 C1 Hall of Jewellery .............................................................14 C1 Hall of Joyful Longevity ..............................................15 C1 Palace Museum C1 JINGSHAN PARK Map p262 Jǐngshān Gōngyuán 景山公园 Jingshan Qianjie; adult Y2; h6am-9.30pm; bTiananmen Xi, then g5 Known as Coal Hill by Westerners during legation days, Jingshan Park was shaped from the earth excavated to create the moat of the Forbidden City. The hill sup- posedly protects the palace from the evil spirits – or dust storms – from the north. Clamber to the top for a magnificent pano- rama of the capital and princely views over the russet roofing of the Forbidden City. 29 6 INFORMATION Police Station ..................................................................45 C1 LAMA TEMPLE Map p262 Yōnghé Gōng 雍和宫 28 Yonghegong Dajie; adult Y25, audio guide Y20; h9am-4pm; bYonghegong With three richly worked archways and five main halls (each one taller than the preced- ing one), revolving prayer wheels, multi- coloured glaze tiles, magnificent Chinese lions, tantric statuettes and hall boards dec- orated with Mongolian, Manchu, Tibetan and Chinese, the Lama Temple is Běijīng’s most magnificent Buddhist temple. 11 pieces displayed in the Hall of Joyful Longevity (Lèshòu Táng). Further objects are displayed within the Hall of Character Cultivation (Yǎngxìng Diàn), but at the time of writing the further sequence of halls to the south was empty. The Changyin Pavilion (Chàngyīn Gé) to the east was formerly an imperial stage. 4 B2 B3 35 On the eastern side of the park a locust tree stands in the place where the last of the Ming emperors, Chongzhen, hung him- self as rebels swarmed at the city walls. 30 EATING Restaurant ............................................................................. 42 Starbucks ...........................................................................43 B2 C2 12 Donghua Gate ............................................................................. 32 Objects Presented as Tribute Exhibition B3 Changpu River Park Tiananmen Dong Changyin Pavilion ............................................................2 C2 ChengqianHall ..................................................................3 C2 Clock Exhibition Hall (Fengxian Hall) ( )...........................................................................4 C2 Divine Military Genius Gate .......................................... 5 Duan Gate .................................................................................6 EarthlyTranquillityPalace ............................................7 B2 Eternal Spring Palace ......................................................8 B2 Front Hall ...................................................................................9 C5 Heavenly Purity Gate ................................................... 22 Hongyi Pavilion .............................................................. 23 B3 Imperial Garden ............................................................. 24 B1 ImperialPeaceHall .......................................................25 B1 ImperialSupremacyHall ............................................26 C2 Jadeware Exhibition (Zhongcui Hall) ( )..........................................................................27 Jingren Hall ......................................................................28 C2 Rear Hall ..................................................................................35 ScientificInstrumentsExhibition .............36 B3 Square Altar ..................................................................... 37 B5 ThousandAutumnsPavilion ....................................38 B1 Well of Concubine Zhen .............................................39 C1 Western Palaces .............................................. 40 Xihe Gate ...........................................................................41 B4 B2 B4 C5 B2 ￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com Sights ￼￼￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights DŌNGCHÉNG DŌNGCHÉNG ￼92 93 The temple was once the official residence of Count Yin Zhen who became emperor in 1723 and traded up to the Forbidden City. His name was changed to Yongzheng, and his former residence became Yonghe Palace (Yōnghé Gōng). In 1744 it was converted into a lamasery and became home to legions of monks from Mongolia and Tibet. The third hall, Yongyou Hall (Yǒngyòu Diàn), has statues of the Buddha of Longevity and the Buddha of Medicine (to the left). date from the Qing dynasty, from languor- ous renditions of Green Tara and White Tara to exotic, tantric pieces (such as Samvara) and figurines of the fierce-looking Mahakala. TOP FIVE BĚIJĪNG TEMPLES In 1792 the Emperor Qianlong, having quelled an uprising in Tibet, instituted a new administrative system involving two golden vases. One was kept at the renowned Jokhang Temple in Lhasa, to be employed for determining the reincarna- tion of the Dalai Lama, and the other was kept at the Lama Temple for the lottery used for choosing the next Panchen Lama. The Lama Temple thus assumed a new importance in ethnic minority control. Weigh up the mysteries of the awesome Temple of Heaven (p79). The first hall, Lokapala, houses a statue of the future Buddha, Maitreya, flanked by celestial guardians. The statue facing the back door is Weituo, guardian of Buddhism, carved from sandalwood. In the courtyard beyond is a pond with a bronze mandala depicting Xumishan, the Buddhist paradise. LAO SHE MUSEUM Map p262 Lǎo Shě Jìniànguǎn 老舍纪念馆 %6559 9218; 19 Fengfu Hutong, off Dengshikou Xijie; adult Y10; h9am-5pm; bTiananmen Dong This modest courtyard museum is dedicated to one of Běijīng’s most popular 20th- century writers. Author of Rickshaw Boy and Tea House, and former teacher at London’s School of Oriental and African Studies, Lao She (1899–1966) tragically committed sui- cide by throwing himself into a Běijīng lake during the Cultural Revolution (whispers of murder continue). Captions are largely in Chinese, but a large number of first editions are on view, along with photos and personal effects, and Lao She’s courtyard home is brimful of simple charm. 1930, becoming solidly entrenched in the bureaucracy after the communists came to power. He lay low during the Cultural Revo- lution, but briefly returned to writing in the 1970s. The museum is typically parsimoni- ous and low-key. The second hall, the huge Yonghe Hall (Yōnghé Diàn), presents worshippers with a trinity of gilded effigies representing the past, present and future Buddhas. An enthralling conclusion to the temple is the collection of bronze Tibetan Buddhist statues within the Jiètái Lo’u. Most effigies ST JOSEPH’S CHURCH Map p262 Dōng Táng 东堂 74 Wangfujing Dajie; h6.30-7am Mon-Sat, 6.30- 8am Sun; bWangfujing A crowning edifice on Wangfujing Dajie and one of Běijīng’s four principal churches, St Joseph’s Church is also known locally as the East Cathedral. Originally built during the rend the harbour of which is dominated by a huge advertisement beaming out the words ‘LIGHT, HEAT, POWER’, seemingly describing not just the product advertised, but the city itself. For anyone who has seen the new Shanghai which has grown up since 1990, this will seem a familiar scene: today’s skyscrapers and neon lights, absent for more than half a century after the Communists’ rise to power, would also strike a chord with anyone who knew Mao Dun’s city. Mao Dun’s Shanghai was glamorous but ruinous: the protagonists of Midnight gamble on the stock market and finally lose everything. A different aspect of modernity informed the work of Ding Ling (1904–1986), the pseudonym of Jiang Bingzhi. Still the most famous woman writer of modern China, Ding Ling made her name with a novella, The Diary of Miss Sophie (1927), which discussed in unprecedentedly frank style the sexual longings of a young woman. Even Sophie’s name was a gesture towards a modern internationalism: not a usual name for a Chinese, ‘Sophie’ brought to mind Sofiya Perovskaya, the Russian anarchist revolutionary who tried to assassinate Tsar Nicholas II. Sophie is deeply dissatisfied with her own life, recovering from tuberculosis in Beijing, and is deliberately cruel to her friends to drive them away. Yet she burns with desire for a handsome young man, confiding to her diary: ‘I can’t control the surges of wild emotion, and I lie on this bed of nails of passion.’ Again, the contradictions expressed by Sophie were symbolic of a wider crisis that affected 123 Is Chinese culture modern? young, urban women in China: new freedoms were open to them, but how were they to make use of them? Sophie’s dilemmas, of course, were very much those of the relatively privileged and educated minority dwelling in China’s cities. The plight of the working classes was tackled by another major writer of the era, Lao She (1899–1966), in his novel Camel Xiangzi (translated as Rickshaw). The protagonist, Xiangzi (an ironic name that literally means ‘fortunate’) tries to get together enough money for his own rickshaw, but loses it all, along with his fiancée who is forced into prostitution and dies before he can rescue her. The novel ends with a broken Xiangzi picking up cigarette-ends to eke out a miserable living. Lao She’s portrayal of Xiangzi is far more sympathetic and humane than Lu Xun’s savage caricature of Ah Q. Yet it is clear that Xiangzi, too, is meant to be an ‘everyman’, and by falling victim to ‘individualism’, the term Lao She uses to criticize him, he has contributed to his own downfall. Lao She later turned to science fiction to express this anxiety. In his 1933 novella Cat Country (Maocheng), his protagonist is a space traveller who arrives on Mars and finds that the inhabitants are all cats who spend their time fighting each other, and eventually fall victim to an invasion of tiny people (clearly meant to be the Japanese). Lao She’s extraterrestrial metaphor would have been understood by all the writers of the May Fourth era, who believed that China’s great crisis lay in its inability to realize that the nation was in mortal danger. For that reason, the now-classic authors of the May Fourth era read rather gloomily. Perhaps unsurprisingly, although they became well known, their books were not the real bestsellers of the era. That distinction goes to a rather different sort of novel, generically known as ‘Mandarin Duck and Butterfly’ literature, referring to the traditional romantic fiction that had emerged and been widely circulated in late imperial times. These were escapist fantasies, with often stock characters (such as the 124 Modern China martial-arts knight errant) and a limited vocabulary which made them more accessible to a wider readership. Yet these novels, too, changed under the impact of modernity. The most successful author in the genre was Zhang Henshui (1895–1967). His novel Shanghai Express (1935) draws on traditional fiction in its breezy, popular style and form. Yet its characters are taken from the real, changing China of the 1920s: a ‘new woman’ dressed up in fancy Western clothes, a business tycoon, and a teacher, among others. Most importantly, it is set on a train, a powerful symbol of modernity, speed, and progress. His biggest hit, however, was the novel Fate in Tears and Laughter (1930), a long and picaresque tale which narrated the decision of the hero to choose between two girlfriends, a traditional drum-singer and a Westernized bureaucrat’s daughter, who insists on being called ‘Miss Helena’, English-style. The novel is full of hair-raising escapes, martial arts, and wild romance, yet its central theme, the choice between tradition and modernity, is clear. Artists as well as writers tried out the new modern techniques of composition, often combining traditional Chinese art forms (such as the landscape) with modern themes. Perhaps the most famous of the artists to work in this hybrid style was Xu Beihong (1895– 1953), but other artists used techniques such as the modernist woodcut to develop a spare new style; the artist Feng Zikai (1898–1975) became particularly noted for his skill in this genre. Yet art had also been a commercial enterprise for centuries: from the Ming to the late Qing, the techniques of reproduction that had allowed mass printing of books had also enabled visual images to be produced and sold for a market beyond the elites, and this market persisted and grew into the 20th century. Writers and artists under Mao and reform The defining terms of artwork under Mao were set during the war years, when in 1943, he delivered the ‘Yan’an Talks on 125 Is Chinese culture modern? Art and Literature’. Mao made it clear that, in the communist China that he envisaged, ‘Literature and art are subordinate to politics ... It is therefore a particularly important task to help [artists and writers] overcome their shortcomings and win them over to the front that serves the masses of workers, peasants and soldiers.’ With the establishment of the People’s Republic in 1949, a brief era of Soviet modernism took hold in China. Visual artists during the Mao years followed prescribed styles such as Soviet-influenced Socialist Realism, and art drawn from folk traditions. The post-1949 years produced few novels of real distinction; some key figures of the May Fourth era such as Lao She and Shen Congwen found it easier to write little or nothing at all. A brief period of openness came with the Hundred Flowers movement in 1957, when authors were given official permission to write as they saw fit. However, Mao became alarmed at the strong criticisms that were voiced and rapidly clamped down by starting the Anti-Rightist Campaign, which flushed out hidden ‘traitors’ who had supposedly used the opportunity of openness to attack the party. Many purged in the Campaign, such as Ding Ling, were exiled for over a decade to the far northeast of China. A new period of creativity opened up in the 1980s and has continued since then (with a difficult period following Tian’anmen in 1989). The contemporary literary scene in China operates in a grey zone: many subjects are still taboo, but, as in the May Fourth era, there is a certain amount of space for critical writing. Many of the best-known authors write with a jaundiced eye about modern China. Mo Yan (the pen-name of Guan Moye) (1955– ) has carved out a reputation as one of China’s major contemporary novelists; his books include The Garlic Ballads, The Republic of Wine, and Big Breasts and Wide Hips, the latter of which attracted criticism because of its explicit sexuality and its lack of moral distinction between Communists and Nationalists during the Civil War (the book was for a time withdrawn in China after selling some 30,000 copies). Wang Shuo (1958– ) is another author who successfully negotiated the grey zones of cultural production 126 Modern China in China with novels such as Please Don’t Call Me Human and Playing for Thrills. Wang was a 1990s bestseller, with over 20 novels published in China, and a national reputation as a major writer. Yet his style was characterized as ‘hooligan literature’ (pizi wenxue) for its nihilistic style and themes. The experiences of both writers show the ambiguities in contemporary censorship. It is quite common, as with Mo Yan’s novel, for a book to be released officially, only to be banned later; or, as with much of Wang Shuo’s work, for books to be condemned without ever officially being banned. At the same time, both Mo Yan and Wang Shuo continued to draw state salaries and were interviewed in the official press. The fact that these authors can publish daring work is in part a consequence of China’s decision to open up again to the outside world. Wang Shuo and Mo Yan are now well-known international literary figures, and this has meant that even when their work is suppressed in China, they themselves remain free. Not all authors are anything like so fortunate, but the boundaries of censorship in China are flexible, nonetheless. Along with writers, fine artists and musicians have negotiated a new bargain with the state since 1978. Their freedom to paint or play what they wish is much greater than under Mao. On the other hand, orchestras and artists were guaranteed a state income, like all other employees. Now, they must operate under the same commercial constraints as any other entrepreneurs. Nonetheless, the most successful of those artists can become very rich indeed: in 2006, works by the artist Zhang Xiaogang earned US $ 23.6 million at auction, making him the second highest-earning artist in the world. Moving pictures The 20th century also heralded a significant change in the way in which the Chinese told stories: film, and later, television. Film came swiftly to China, and by 1927, there were already over 100 cinemas in the country (the majority in Shanghai, 127 Is Chinese culture modern? the crucible of Chinese modernity). Hollywood movies were immensely popular in the 1930s, but the Chinese also developed a powerful indigenous industry, again mainly centred on Shanghai. The wartime years reflected the splits within China itself, with patriotic films being produced in the Nationalist areas, while film-makers in Shanghai and Manchuria worked under Japanese occupation. However, like their French counterparts during the same period, it is possible to see hidden resistance to occupation within the latter films. After the victory over Japan, film-makers also reflected the ambiguity of victory. In the 1947 film, A Spring River Flows East, the narrative unfolds to show that a family separated by war found that there was no happy reunion, as personal betrayals by family members echo wider ambiguities and betrayals in society about whether it had been better to flee westward in 1937 or stay behind under occupation. Film-making under Mao mostly reflected the propaganda requirements of the regime, and in the Cultural Revolution period, very few films were made at all. The reform era of the 1980s also marked the beginning of a new, powerful cinema, pioneered by a group who became known as the ‘Fifth Generation’ of film-makers, and whose film-making should be compared with the simultaneous glasnost (openness) film-making of directors such as Elem Klimov which emerged in Gorbachev’s Soviet Union. Perhaps the single most prominent exponent of it was Zhang Yimou (1951– ). Although many of Zhang’s films were set in the pre-Communist era, and condemned ‘feudal’ habits such as concubinage, they seemed to reflect an ambiguity about Chinese society in the present day as well, which was a long way from the fervent acclaim for ‘New China’ that the regime’s propagandists had portrayed: the final scene of Ju Dou (1991) shows a chaotic scene at a dyeworks with (symbolically) red paint spilling everywhere, adding to the mess. Scenes such as this led to some of Zhang’s later films being banned from distribution within China itself, although they continued to win awards overseas. 128 Modern China Other films, such as The Story of Qiu Ju (1992), painted everyday life in rural China in a nuanced and ambiguous fashion (the local official who bullies Qiu Ju’s husband by kicking him in the testicles, leading her to try to sue him, also helps her give birth). The contradictions of Chinese modernity, and life under a regime which was unsure of its own identity and purpose, were refracted back through Zhang’s pictures. Other directors of the era, including Chen Kaige (1952– ), whose films Yellow Earth (1984) and Farewell My Concubine (1993) also cast a more quizzical eye on the reform era, had a difficult relationship with the censors. In recent years, however, many of these directors’ films (such as Zhang Yimou’s Hero (2004)) have included stunning performances of traditional martial arts, using mass media further to publicize aspects of China’s traditional culture. The boundaries of censorship were tested yet further by underground films; dealing with taboo subjects from homosexuality to tensions during the Cultural Revolution, these films rarely achieve release in China, but can be seen in DVD form at private showings, increasing the scope of the ‘grey zone’ of culture that is officially banned but still in circulation. Television only became widespread in China in the 1980s (although a limited service began as early as 1958). However, within a few years, China was rapidly developing the largest television audience in the world, and CCTV (China Central Television) took advantage of the thaw of the reform era to experiment. Many programmes, particularly on news and current affairs, were (and are) weighty and heavy, with positive news intended to boost the party’s reputation. More popular were the wide range of costume dramas that filled the screens, including series based on popular classics such as Outlaws of the Marsh and The Romance of the Three Kingdoms, as well as historical dramas based on both ancient and more recent events, such as the Opium Wars. Modern urban programmes also thrived, such as the sitcom Stories from an Editorial Office (1991) and the romantic drama Holding Hands (1999). 129 Is Chinese culture modern? The power of television, however, was shown most clearly in the debate that surrounded the remarkable television series River Elegy (Heshang). Heshang In June 1988, one of the most extraordinary programmes in the history of television was broadcast on CCTV-1, the main Chinese station. It was repeated once (in August 1988). In the aftermath of Tian’anmen Square in 1989, it was banned, and has remained so ever since. The people associated with making it were imprisoned, or fled into exile in Hong Kong or the West. The programme was called Heshang (usually translated as River Elegy or Deathsong of the River). It was part-documentary, part-polemic. It consisted of six episodes, which reviewed recent Chinese history to try and answer the question of why China was still so backward after a century or more in the modern world. It set out to provoke. Among its main targets were some of the most valued symbols of Chinese civilization: the Great Wall, the dragon, and the Yellow River (the ‘river’ of the title). Rather than regarding these as symbols of a proud and ancient culture, the film-makers (including writers Su Xiaokang and Wang Luxiang) condemned them as examples of what had held China back: the Wall served to shut China off from the rest of the world; the dragon was a violent and aggressive creature; and the Yellow River was slow-moving, clogged up with silt, and enclosed within Chinese territory. The film-makers made a symbolic contrast with the colour blue, the colour of the Pacific Ocean, from where the new ‘spring water’ that will renew China will be found. The Pacific Ocean was a not particularly subtle reference to the US, scenes from which were shown throughout the programme. Stirring 130 Modern China music accompanied footage of historical events, scientific breakthroughs, and even space exploration. The programme strongly endorsed the reform programme of CCP General Secretary Zhao Ziyang. Yet it was not merely the expression of one set of views within the leadership. Instead, it had a powerful political agenda of its own, expressed in the line ‘Many things in China, it seems, should return to May Fourth’. The May Fourth Movement of 1919, with its catchphrase that China needed ‘science and democracy’, was at the centre of the film-makers’ agenda. However, to say that the promise of May Fourth had not been fulfilled was dangerous indeed. For the CCP itself drew its legitimacy from the fact that it had risen up during the May Fourth era, and that Mao himself had taken part in the intellectual ferment of the time. The makers of Heshang made their agenda explicit at the very end of episode six: they declared that a dictatorial government was marked by ‘secrecy, rule by an individual, and the fickleness of his temperament’, whereas democracy was about ‘transparency, responsive to popular will, and a scientific approach’. The reference to conservative elements in the CCP, and Mao’s legacy, was clear. The programme created a craze: discussions of it turned up in the newspapers, and letters were sent in their thousands to the television station. Even the bastions of Party orthodoxy such as the People’s Daily newspaper reprinted parts of the script and printed discussions relating to the series’ message. The events of 3–4 June 1989 ended the thaw in public discussion of which Heshang had been one of the most important parts. In autumn 1989, a roundtable of major historians was put together to condemn Heshang as reactionary, full of historical errors, and unnecessarily abusive of the Chinese people. In retrospect, the programme 131 Is Chinese culture modern? does seem to be a historical piece in its almost naïve enthusiasm about the power of Western thought to transform China. Yet the programme was an immensely daring attempt to take on old orthodoxies, but also to use China’s past (the May Fourth Movement) to advocate an alternative path. Occasionally, television programmes have shaken an entire society. In the US, Roots (1977) forced the country to reconsider its legacy of slavery. In the UK, Cathy Come Home (1966) revealed that the lives of Britain’s poor could be torn apart by homelessness. For China, there has never been, and may never be again, a television programme as serious, as compelling, as important as Heshang. River Elegy’s condemnation of what it regarded as the outdated, inward-looking Chinese civilization daringly included Mao, the ‘false peasant emperor’, in the list of factors that had held China back. Hundreds of millions of Chinese may well have watched at least some of River Elegy’s six episodes before it was banned in the aftermath of Tian’anmen Square in 1989. River Elegy marked the last gasp for the ‘new May Fourth movement’ of the 1980s, a joyous, in some ways naïve enthusiasm for Western culture as a mechanism to ‘save China’. The more nationalistic, post-Cold War politics of the 1990s was similarly reflected in the television of the era. A particularly notable series was the 1993 comedy-drama A Beijing Man in New York. The series’ protagonist was a businessman who had moved to the US, and found himself at the same time resentful of patronizing American attitudes towards the Chinese, and also taking an enjoyable revenge by outdoing them in business. River Elegy, just five years before, had envisioned America in terms of the ‘blue ocean’ that would regenerate the ‘yellow earth’ of China’s dried-out civilization. Beijing Man was a more ambivalent statement of Sino-American friendship, to say the least. 132 Modern China Chinese television became more professional and more diverse in the 1990s and early 2000s, although it still remained strongly under the control of the state. It also became more internationalized. One notable example was China’s contribution to the global craze for amateur singing competitions (shows such as Pop Idol in the UK, and American Idol in the US). A television station based in Hunan province launched its own version in 2005, the full title being ‘Mongolian Cow Sour Yogurt SuperGirl Contest’: 120,000 women took part, and the final was viewed by 400 million people, who eventually phoned in to support the 21-year-old Li Yuchun from Sichuan as the winner with 3.5 million votes. The programme was notable for many reasons. SuperGirl is probably the closest thing that China has had to a free nationwide election since 1912. Certainly it was not well received by the official national broadcaster, China Central Television (CCTV), 19. In the centre, Li Yuchun, who won the SuperGirl singing contest shown on Chinese television in 2005. Over 400 million people watched, and 8 million sent text messages ‘in support’ of singers (the word ‘vote’ was avoided because of its political implications) 133 Is Chinese culture modern? which declared the programme ‘vulgar and manipulative’. The programme was not re-run in its original form the following year, although CCTV’s lack of enthusiasm for it may have been fuelled as much by fear for their advertising revenues being sucked away by the regional competitor station as by political worries. SuperGirl was also notable for how similar it was to other such contests around the world. In the post-Cold War era, the idea was often heard that politics had become almost irrelevant in the Western democracies, as there was little difference between right and left, and citizens had turned instead to materialist consumption and individual gratification. SuperGirl suggested that this fear did not just exist in democracies: the idea of individual celebrity as a life goal was as far from the Maoist conception of the good life as could be imagined, and if it distracted young people from political dissent, so much the better, as far as the reform-era state was concerned. Television advertising of the time drove the message home. In the same year that SuperGirl aired, a television commercial showed a girl dismissing an unpleasant boyfriend, and instead drinking a soft drink, concluding with the voiceover: ‘Love yourself more’. In a print advertisement, meanwhile, a line of popular clothing was advertised with the blatantly anti-Maoist slogan ‘different from the masses’. The culture of mass-produced individuality was in China to stay. Architecture and the modern city Cultural forms changed around the Chinese over the 20th century, and one of the most visible of those changes, indicating the change from premodern to modern, was the way in which city planning changed forever. For centuries, Chinese cities were arranged on a predictable pattern. Travellers approaching a city would first see from miles away the huge, grey-brick walls that surrounded any settlement of size. Within the city walls, the magistrate’s yamen 134 Modern China and bureaucratic offices would be at the centre, and commercial and residential areas would radiate out from that point. One of the first cities to violate this rule was Shanghai. Expanded as a treaty port whose primary purpose was commerce, not government, the foreign-controlled International Settlement area had a long shopping street, Nanking Road, at its centre, leading not to a government building but to the racecourse. Although the imperialist presence was the source of great anger in China, it was also the example of modernity that was most obviously before people’s eyes, and Chinese reformers signalled their own adherence to the norms of the modern city by reproducing them. So Canton’s great walls were destroyed by the Chinese local administration in the 1920s, which was allied to the Nationalist Party (then still a regional rather than national power). In their place came commercial boulevards and highways. The Nationalist government that took power under Chiang Kaishek in 1928 had grand plans for their new capital at Nanjing: it would have arterial roads, tree-lined avenues, electric streetlights, and a palatial new party headquarters that combined features of the Temple of Heaven in Beijing and the US Capitol in Washington. Less than ten years later, the Nationalists had to withdraw from the capital, leaving most of this planning in the realms of the imagination. The war with Japan stopped most of the great building plans, and many cities were heavily bombed, destroying many old buildings and walls. But the single greatest period of change in China’s cityscapes has been the era since 1949. The Nationalists dreamed of using architecture as power: the Communists achieved it. Very few of China’s major cities today reflect the topography that the residents of a hundred years ago would have known. All around China, from the 1950s, traditional city walls were knocked down; the winding 135 Is Chinese culture modern? alleyways of the inner cities were destroyed to make way for high-rise buildings, and old temples and government offices were bulldozed to make way for buildings, some in the Soviet ‘gothic wedding-cake’ style, but more often in the bland language of the international modern. Much of the rejection of China’s past that marked the Cultural Revolution – literature, philosophy, art – has been reversed since the 1980s, as the Party and the people alike seek to rediscover their own heritage. This reversal has been far less evident in city planning and architecture. To this day, large sections of China’s major cities resound with the noise of the wrecking ball and the jackhammer. A significant, if partial, exception is Shanghai. A good proportion of its old colonial architecture, particularly the parts in the city centre, have been carefully preserved, and even sport heritage plaques giving details of their history. Ironically, the indigenous architecture of other cities is under greater threat. The decision to award the 2008 Olympics to the city was a great spur to building in Beijing. Yet the frenzy of building work has almost all been at the expense of the older buildings of the city: the old alleyways (hutong), with their low-rise, courtyard-style living, have been daubed all over the city with the character chai, meaning ‘for demolition’. The city has replaced them with tower blocks in the suburbs, and sophisticated new buildings in the centre by international architects such as Rem Koolhaas and I. M. Pei. The authorities have given many reasons for the wholesale elimination of so much of old Beijing, citing in particular the unhygienic and impractical nature of the hutongs for contemporary living. Many such alleys had no running water in the houses, and the communal toilets were freezing in winter and unbearably close in summer. The old alleys of cities such as Chengdu and Kunming, charming if impractical for motor vehicles and modern plumbing, have also been razed in favour of skyscrapers and tower blocks. But the replacements often show little evidence of a Chinese flavour. In the early 20th century the Nationalists in Canton 136 Modern China 20. In 1990, the east bank of the Huangpu River in Shanghai was muddy flats and warehouses. Now it is a metropolis of skyscrapers, a sign of Shanghai’s return to its former significance as a global centre of commerce and finance tried to show their modernity by adapting globalized (that is, Western) urban planning; that tendency is still evident for China’s government in the early 21st. Conclusion China exists in a global cultural context. In the 20th century it has tended to absorb cultural norms above all, whether it is modern literary genres, cinematic styles, or artistic and architectural techniques. However, there are signs that aspects of the trend are reversing and China is beginning to project out not just military and economic power, but also cultural strength (sometimes termed ‘soft power’). Films have helped here, such as the popularity of Zhang Yimou’s martial arts extravaganzas. Chinese language learning has risen around the world, stimulated 137 Is Chinese culture modern? by a new perception of China’s global importance, and nurtured by a government-sponsored programme of ‘Confucius Institutes’, language schools modelled on the British Council of which over one hundred will be established by 2010. Furthermore, one should note the heavy influence of internationalism in the shaping of modern Chinese culture. Even in the most closed period of modern Chinese history, Mao’s rule, cultural models came from the USSR, and Marxist-Leninist ideas were widespread. In the period before 1949 and since 1978, a stunning variety of influences, from American management gurus to French philosophers to Mahatma Gandhi, have reshaped the Chinese sense of the modern self and the meaning of ‘Chinese culture’. 138 Modern China Chapter 7 Brave new China? This book started with a ‘new China’ envisioned a century ago. What you think of modern China may be affected by your response to another vision, not written with China in mind – the modernity of Aldous Huxley’s Brave New World (1932). The book’s protagonist, the Savage, is brought from the wilds into a ‘civilization’ set several centuries into the future where everybody is happy: material comforts on demand, everybody slotted into social categories that suit their needs, and dangerous and uncomfortable information kept firmly suppressed. Those who have overactive minds – and they are few in number – end up exiled to Iceland, where the system sends ‘all the people who aren’t satisfied with orthodoxy, who’ve got independent ideas of their own’. Near the climax of the book, the Savage confronts Mustapha Mond, the ‘World Controller’, who defends the safe, cosy, and unquestioning world that he and his system have created: Mond admits that ‘being contented has none of the glamour of a good fight against misfortune ... Happiness is never grand’. The Savage claims ‘the right to be unhappy’. The Controller replies: 139 ‘Not to mention ... the right to have too little to eat; the right to be lousy; the right to live in constant apprehension of what may happen tomorrow; the right to catch typhoid; the right to be tortured by unspeakable pains of every kind.’ There was a long silence. ‘I claim them all,’ said the Savage at last. Mustapha Mond shrugged his shoulder. ‘You’re welcome,’ he said. Of course, both Mond and the Savage are right – and wrong. China today is very far from being a brave new world, even though Shanghai’s night cityscape may look like one. But the conversation between the Savage and the Controller says something about the infinitely difficult balancing act that has affected all governments – the Qing of the ‘New China’ of 1910, the Nationalists, Mao’s ‘New China’ of 1949, or the current leadership’s nurturing of ‘peaceful development’ – in deciding what the relationship will be between the state, the party, and the people in a truly modern China. Can China afford to give people ‘the right to be unhappy’, or does it need to exile those who ask for it to its own Iceland? Are people who live in desperate poverty able to be free in any meaningful sense? Are those who have television, running water, and a car, but cannot openly discuss their views on politics being infantilized by an over-protective, sometimes vindictive state and party? The answers to those questions are at the heart of the ever-changing, perhaps never-ending, journey to what it means to be modern and to be Chinese. 140 Modern China Timeline 1368 Foundation of the Ming dynasty 1644 Fall of the Ming, foundation of the Qing dynasty 1842 Treaty of Nanjing ends the first Opium War 1856–64 TaipingWar 1900 BoxerUprising 1911 Revolution causes collapse of the Qing dynasty 1919 May Fourth demonstrations 1925 May Thirtieth Movement 1926–8 Northern Expedition by the Nationalists and Communists 1928 Establishment of Nationalist government at Nanjing 1934–5 Long March by Communists: Mao begins rise to power 1937 Outbreak of war with Japan: Nationalists retreat to Chongqing 1945 End of war with Japan 1946–9 Civil War ends with Communist victory 1958–62 Great Leap Forward causes massive famine 1966–76 Cultural Revolution: Mao at war with his own party 1976 Death of Mao 1978 Deng Xiaoping solidifies position as paramount leader 1989 Demonstrations in Tian’anmen Square end in bloodshed 1989 Jiang Zemin chosen as new Communist Party leader 141 1992 Deng’s ‘southern tour’ energizes reforms 1997 Death of Deng Xiaoping: Jiang Zemin reconfirmed as leader 2001 Beijing awarded the 2008 Olympics 2001 China enters World Trade Organization 2002 Leadership passes to Hu Jintao 2007 Hu confirmed as leader 142 Modern China References Chapter 1 W. Y. Fullerton and C. E. Wilson, New China: A Story of Modern Travel (London, 1910), p. 234. Chapter 2 Chen Hongmou: William Rowe, Saving the World: Chen Hongmou and Elite Consciousness in Eighteenth-Century China (Stanford, 2001), esp. ch. 9. Wei Yuan: Philip Kuhn, Origins of the Modern Chinese State (Stanford, 2002), pp. 39, 48. World War I: Xu Guoqi, China and the Great War: China’s Pursuit of a New National Identity (Cambridge, 2005), esp. Part II. Chapter 3 Mortality rate in 1930: Lloyd Eastman, ‘Nationalist China during the Nanking Decade, 1927–1937’, in John K. Fairbank and Albert Feuerwerker (eds), Cambridge History of China, volume 13 (‘Republican China, 1912–1949’), p. 151. Madame Chiang Kaishek: Pei-kai Cheng and Michael Lestz, The Search for Modern China: A Documentary Collection (New York, 1999), p. 296. Edgar Snow, Red Star over China (orig. 1937; London, 1973), p. 92. Tan Zhenlin: Jasper Becker, Hungry Ghosts: China’s Secret Famine (London, 1996), p. 59. 143 Red Guard quotations: Song Yianyi et al. (eds), Chinese Cultural Revolution Database (Hong Kong, 2002). Wang Hui: Wang Hui, China’s New Order: Politics, Society and Economy in Transition, ed. Theodore Huters (Cambridge, Mass., 2003), p. 180. Chapter 4 Zou Taofen: Rana Mitter, A Bitter Revolution: China’s Struggle with the Modern World (Oxford, 2004), p. 69. Li Yu: Dorothy Ko, Cinderella’s Sisters: A Revisionist History of Footbinding (Berkeley, 2005), p. 152. Mao on Miss Zhao: Stuart Schram (ed.), Mao’s Road to Power (Armonk, NY, 1992– ), vol. 1: 423. Aging: Michael Backman, The Asian Insider (Houndmills, 2006), p. 225. Figures on incomes: Randall Peerenboom, China Modernizes: Threat to the West or Model for the Rest? (Oxford, 2006), esp. ch. 4. Chapter 5 Brandt: Loren Brandt, Commercialization and Agricultural Development: Central and Eastern China, 1870–1937 (Cambridge, 1989), ch. 7. Economy of western China: Chris Bramall, In Praise of Maoist Economic Planning: Living Standards and Economic Development in Sichuan since 1931 (Oxford, 1993), esp. pp. 335–40. Chapter 6 Yangzhou: Timothy Brook, The Confusions of Pleasure: Commerce and Culture in Ming China (Berkeley, 1998), p. 128. Nine Horses scroll: (picture) Craig Clunas, Art in China (Oxford, 1997), p. 182. Ah Q: ‘The True Story of Ah Q’, in Lu Xun, Call to Arms, tr. Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang (Beijing, 1981), p. 99. Yan’an Talks: Bonnie S. Macdougall, Mao Zedong’s ‘Talks at the Yan’an conference on literature and art’: A Translation of the 1943 Text with Commentary (Ann Arbor, 1980). 144 Modern China Zhang Xiaogang: Jonathan Watts, ‘Once hated, now feted’, Guardian, 11 April 2007, p. 29. Nanjing city planning: William Kirby, ‘Engineering China: Birth of the Developmental State’, in Wen-hsin Yeh (ed.), Becoming Chinese: Passages to Modernity and Beyond (Berkeley, 2000), pp. 139–41. Chapter 7 Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (orig. 1932; London, pbk., 1984), pp. 178, 192. 145 References Further reading The books on this list are mostly academic works, but I have deliberately included here a number that have been written with at least a partially non-academic readership in mind, and which do not demand a comprehensive knowledge of China to be read profitably. No slight is intended to the many colleagues whose more specialist monographs and articles I have drawn on to compose this volume. For readers who do wish to tackle more detailed studies on particular issues, see the guide to reading at the end of Rana Mitter, A Bitter Revolution. The pattern of modern Chinese history John Fairbank et al. (eds), The Cambridge History of China, vols. 10–15 (Cambridge, various dates): detailed essays summarizing key themes in political, cultural, and social history. John Gittings, The Changing Face of China: From Mao to Market (Oxford, 2005): detailed account of the People’s Republic from 1949 to the present. Rana Mitter, A Bitter Revolution: China’s Struggle with the Modern World (Oxford, 2004): traces the impact and legacy of the May Fourth Movement on modern Chinese politics and culture. Jonathan Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York, 1999): comprehensive survey history from the 17th century to the present. 146 Pre-1949 China Robert Bickers, Empire Made Me: An Englishman Adrift in Shanghai (London, 2003): gripping account of the complexities of imperialism in China, told through one man’s life. Lloyd Eastman, Family, Fields, and Ancestors: Constancy and Change in China’s Social and Economic History, 1550–1949 (New York, 1988): accessible guide to social and economic change in China from the Ming to 1949. Henrietta Harrison, The Man Awakened from Dreams: One Man’s Life in a North China Village, 1857–1942 (Stanford, 2005): moving portrait of one man living in rural China from the late Qing to the war against Japan. Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, 2000): highly influential study of the differences between the economic development of China and Europe. Philip Short, Mao: A Life (London, 1999): deeply researched and thoughtful study of the life of Mao Zedong. Politics, society, and culture in the reform era Geremie Barme, In the Red: On Contemporary Chinese Culture (New York, 1999): wide-ranging account of China’s cultural scene by an expert observer. Richard Baum, Burying Mao: Chinese Politics in the Age of Deng Xiaoping (Princeton, 1994): detailed and clear account of China’s development from 1976 to the mid-1990s. Joseph Fewsmith, China since Tiananmen: The Politics of Transition (Cambridge, 2001): particularly strong on intellectual debates in China. Lionel M. Jensen and Timothy B. Weston, China’s Transformation: The Stories Beyond the Headlines (Lanham, MD, 2007): lively set of essays on a variety of topics to do with contemporary Chinese society and culture. Graham Hutchings, Modern China: Companion to a Rising Power (London, 2000): comprehensive handbook dealing with a wide range of historical and contemporary topics. 147 Further reading Richard Curt Kraus, The Party and the Arty: The New Politics of Culture (Lanham, MD, 2004): clear explanation of how China’s art and cultural world has entered the commercial era. Norman Stockman, Understanding Chinese Society (Cambridge, 2000): detailed introduction to changes and continuities in Chinese social structures. 148 Modern China Index A Africa 112–13, 116 agriculture 3, 13–14, 27, 57–9, 64–5, 82, 86, 103–9 architecture and modern cities 134–7 art 125–7 B Beijing Olympics 2008 2, 93, 114, 136 Boxer Uprising 25, 26, 27 Britain, economic growth in United Front with Nationalist Party 40, 50 United States 63 women 78–9 civil wars 22–3, 28, 48–50, 54–5, 81–3 class warfare 41, 56 Cold War 56–7 collectivization of land 57–8, 64 Communist Party see Chinese Communist Party (CCP) Confucianism 7–8, 10, 12, 15, 17–20, 72–3, 75–7, 81, 88, 92, 122–3 consumer goods 86–7, 107, 109–11, 114, 134 corruption 4, 28, 41, 46, 83, 116–17 Cultural Revolution 60–4, 79–80, 84, 89, 91, 93, 118, 128, 136 culture 3, 5–6, 15, 30–1, 35, 118–38 currency 4, 112 D democracy and political participation 20, 26, 31, 65, 91, 98–9 demonstrations 18–20, 26, 31, 67–8, 84–5 see also Tian’anmen Square protest Deng Xiaoping 12, 60, 64–5, 69, 99, 109 diaspora 11, 100–1 E economy 27, 64–73, 99–117 Europe 101–3 freedom 87–8 globalization 109–13 104–5, 114 C censorship 3, 87, 100, 127 Chen Hongmou 19–20 Chiang Kaishek 18, 37–50, 53–5, 73, 83, 92–3, 99, 107, 135 Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 36–41, 49–52, 56–60, 110 see also Mao Zedong architecture 135–6 industrialization 58–60 Japan, war with 52–4, 84 Marxism 36–7, 58 modernity 15–16, 52, 56–64 Nationalist Party 37–42, 44–5, 48–55, 83 rural areas 64–5 Soviet Union 37–9, 54, 57 Sun Yatsen 37 149 economy (cont.) growth 2, 13, 15, 102–5, 109–17 Great Leap Forward 55, 57–60, 79, 93, 108–9 Hong Kong 99–100 international market 106 Mao Zedong 107–9 Nationalist Party 43 origins of modern economy 101–3 United States 108 education 25, 67, 76–7, 85, 90, 92–3 elites 13–14, 29–30, 48, 77, 82, 88 energy 4, 104–5, 114, 116 enlightenment 13–14 environment 4, 103, 113–16 equality 4, 13, 18, 70, 74, 75–81, 85–6 Europe see West examinations to enter Chinese bureaucracy 13, 26–7, 29 H health care 63, 87, 111 ‘heavenly goodness’ (tianliang) 20 hierarchy 12–15, 18, 19, 72–3, 77, 101 Hong Kong 10–11, 91, 99–100 I imperialism Japan 4, 15, 32, 34–6 West 4, 10, 14–15, 21, 27, 31–2, 36, 105–7, 135 industrialization 43–6, 58–60, 88, 101–5 inequality 4, 13, 18, 70, 74, 75–81, 85–6 inflation 102, 107, 110, 111 intellectuals 64, 67 Internet 3, 91 J Japan anti-Japanese feeling 34–6, 84–5 film 128 imperialism 4, 15, 32, 34–6 invasion 46–8, 50, 54, 83–4, 135 Manchuria 50 Meiji Restoration 17, 24, 109 reforms 24–6, 27 Taiwan 23, 94–5 war with Japan 23, 46–8, 52–4, 79, 84, 94, 106–7 L expansion 82 F famine 42–3, 48, 58–9, 79 feudalism 13, 17, 23 film 3, 127–9, 137 foot binding 75–6, 78 foreign investment 65, 70, 101, 109, 135 foreigners, presence expulsion of 22–3, 25–6, 30–4, 43, 55 Four Modernizations 64, 110–11 freedom 87–92, 100 G Germany, Shandong province and 34–6 global role 2, 3–5, 10, 33–4, 71–2, 102–3, 109–13, 137–8 Google 3, 87 Great Leap Forward 55, 57–60, 79, 93, 108–9 land reform 48–9, 56–8, 64, 98 language reform 119, 121 law 88–9, 116–17 literature 6, 36, 118–27 Long March 44, 46, 49–50 150 Modern China M manufacturing 110–12 Mao Zedong 1, 6, 11, 30, 36–40, 49–64 art and literature 125–7 Communist Party, attacks on 60–3 Cultural Revolution 60–4, 79–80, 84, 89, 91, 93, 118, 128, 136 economy 107–9 film 128 freedom, restrictions on 89–90 Great Leap Forward 55, 57–60, 79, 93, 108–9 personality cult 61–2 rectification (zhengfeng) 52 rural society 56 Soviet Union 55–6, 59–60, 84, 107–8, 126, 138 violence 49, 56–7, 62–3, 80, 84 Western influence, removal of 55 Yan’an 50 women 75, 77 Marx, Karl and Marxism 22–3, 36–7, 58 May Fourth Movement 15, 34–6, 67–8, 121–5, 131–2 meaning of ‘China’ 6–7, 10–11 Meiji Restoration 17, 24, 109 middle-class 26, 85–6, 91, 110, 114, 116 migrant labour 3, 32, 86–7 ‘modern’, meaning of 11–16, 25–6 N Nanjing Massacre (Rape of Nanking) 47–8, 84 national or ethnic identity 6–7 nationalism 17, 18, 72, 84–5 Nationalist (Guomindang or Kuomintang) Party 41–5, 79, 92–3 agriculture 106–7 architecture 135 Chinese Communist Party 42, 44–5, 48–55, 83 Civil War with Communists (1946–9) 48–50, 54–5, 83 economy 43 industrialization 43, 44 Japanese invasion 46–8, 50, 54, 83–4, 135 Manchuria, Japanese invasion of 50 modernity 15–16, 43–5, 52, 83 power, in 41–55 Sun Yatsen 31, 36–7, 41, 43 Taiwan 96–7 United Front with Communists 40, 50 ‘New Culture’ movement 35, 121 New Life Movement 44–5, 55, 92, 94 Northern Expedition of 1926–8 18, 37–9 O 151 Olympics 2008 2, 93, 114, 136 ‘one-child policy’ 80–1 opening up 1, 5, 63–9, 80, 85–7, 90–1, 99, 106, 108, 112 Opium Wars 17, 21, 82, 118 overseas investment 4, 112–13 P peaceful development or ‘peaceful rise’ (heping jueqi) 2–3, 140 Peking University 25, 36, 67–8 personal cultivation (xiushen) 92–3 political dissent 4, 89, 99 population 2, 7, 21, 80–1, 104 poverty 4, 53–4, 70, 85–7, 102 private property 110 progress, idea of 12–15 Index Q Qing dynasty 2, 5, 6, 8, 10, 15–30, 76–7, 82–3, 88–9, 94–5, 104–6, 119 R Supergirl television show 133–4 superstition, combating 41, 43–4 T Taiping Wars 22–3, 28, 81–2 Taiwan 10–11, 23, 84, 91, 94–7 taxation 27–9, 31, 33, 45–6 television 129–34 territory 6–7, 10 Tian’anmen Square protest 29, 67–9, 89–91, 100, 130 trade 4, 15, 21–2, 102, 106–13, 117 transparency 116–17 U United Front between Communists and Nationalists 40, 50 United States 56–7, 63, 65, 71, 102, 108, 130 urban areas 4, 58, 60, 63–5, 79, 85–6, 93 V violence 38–9, 41, 49, 56–7, 62–3, 80, 84 W war 81–5 Boxer Uprising 25, 26 civil wars 22–3, 28, 48–50, 54–5, 81–3 Japan 23, 46–8, 52–4, 79, 84, 94, 106–7 Sino-Japanese War 23, 79, 94, 106–7 Taiping Wars 22–3, 28, 81–2 World War I 31–2, 33–6 warlordism and regionalism 31–5, 83, 122 Rape of Nanking 47–8, 84 rectification (zhengfeng) 52 Red Guard 60, 61–3, 89 reform 1, 24–30, 64–9, 80, 83, 85–7, 99, 108 religion 7–8, 13, 14, 22, 24, 91–2, 101 representative government 18–20 republic, crisis of 30–7 River Elegy (Heshang) television programme 130–2 rural areas 4, 45, 56, 58, 64–5, 70, 79, 80–1, 85–7, 93, 101–7 Russia 10, 116 see also Soviet Union S science and technology 15, 44–6, 71, 110–11 Security Council of the UN 53–4, 71 Shanghai 32–3, 70, 109, 123, 128, 135–6 Sino-Japanese War 23, 46–8, 79, 94, 106–7 Soviet Union 37–9, 54–7, 59–60, 68, 84, 107–8, 126, 138 see also Russia Special Economic Zones (SEZs) 65, 109 state interference 88–9 Sun Yatsen 18, 29–31, 36–8, 41, 43 152 Modern China water 44, 116 West 5, 55, 88 Boxer Uprising 25, 26, 27 economy 101–3 foreigners, presence or expulsion of 25–6, 30–4, 43, 55 imperialism 4, 10, 14–15, 21, 27, 31–2, 36, 105–7, 135 law, influence of Western law 88–9 modernity 18–19 Opium Wars 17, 21, 82, 118 progress, idea of 12–13 trade 21–2 treaties 21–2, 53–4 Warring States, period of the 8, 81 World War I 31–2, 33–6 women 25, 58, 75–81, 123–4 World Trade Organization (WTO) 112, 117 World War I 31–2, 33–6 writers 36, 118–27 X Xinzheng (new governance) reforms 27–9 153 Ingy mi an Yu lonelyplanet.com Sights AROUND BĚIJĪNG You can take some pleasant trips in the area by public transport. Take bus 332 from the zoo to both the old and new Summer Palaces; change to bus 333 for Fragrant Hills Park; from Fragrant Hills Park change to bus 360 to go directly back to Beijing Zoo. SUMMER PALACE Map pp258-9 Yíhé Yuán 颐和园 %6288 1144; admission Y40-50, audio guides Y30; h8.30am-5pm; bWudaokou, then g375; or g332 from zoo; or g726 from Qianmen The huge regal encampment of the Sum- mer Palace in the northwest of Běijīng is one of the city’s principle attractions. Once a playground for the imperial court eluding the insufferable summer swelter of the For- bidden City, today the palace grounds, its temples, gardens, pavilions, lakes and cor- ridors teem with marauding tour groups. ration work. The palace fell into disrepair during the years of the Republic, and a major overhaul began in 1949. Another route is to take the subway to Pingguoyuan (the last stop in the west), and from there take bus 318 to Fragrant Hills Park; change to 331 for the Summer Palace, and then bus 332 for the zoo. The site had long been a royal garden and was considerably enlarged and em- bellished by Qing emperor Qianlong in the 18th century. Enlisting 100,000 labourers, he deepened and expanded Kunming Lake (Kūnmíng Hú) and reputedly surveyed imperial naval drills from a hilltop perch. Three-quarters of the park is occupied by Kunming Lake and the most notable struc- tures are near the east gates and on Longevity Hill (Wànshòu Shān). The main building is the Hall of Benevolence & Longevity (Rénshòu Diàn) by the east gate; it houses a hardwood throne and is fronted by a courtyard decorated with bronze animals, including the mythical qílín (a hybrid animal that appeared on earth only at times of harmony). The hall, sadly, is barricaded off so you can only peer in. OLD SUMMER PALACE 0 0 500 m 0.3 miles Anglo-French troops badly damaged the buildings during the Second Opium War in 1860. Empress Dowager Cixi began a refit in 1888 with money flagged for a modern navy, indulging herself with the extravagant mar- ble boat on the northern edge of the lake. To Summer Palace (4km) Xi Lake Jade Belt Bridge Kunming Lake 32 27 9 24 SIGHTS & ACTIVITIES Enjoying Jasper Pavilion .............................................36 A2 Old Summer Palace Summer Palace 103 A1 Site of the Zhijing Pavilion Mirror Bridge South Lake Island 7 Bronze Ox 19 10 Rowing Boat Dock ￼￼￼￼www.lonelyplanet.com Sights ￼￼￼lonelyplanet.com ￼￼Sights AROUND BĚIJĪNG ￼104 105 temples. Slung out uphill on a north–south axis are Buddhist Fragrance Pavilion (Fóxiāng Gé; Y10) and Cloud Dispelling Hall (Páiyún Diàn), which are connected by corridors. At the crest sits the Buddhist Temple of the Sea of Wisdom (Zhì Huìhǎi) with glazed tiles depicting Buddha. Many, sadly, have had their heads obliterated. factory workshops are ideally suited to art galleries that require space for multimedia in- stallations and other ambitious projects. You could easily spend an entire day visiting the complex and its cafés and restaurants, mak- ing 798’s non-central inaccessibility less of an inconvenience and more of an opportunity for an outing (but note some galleries are shut on Monday). Some galleries are more innovative than others; there is challenging and cutting-edge material, but prepare for hackneyed and technically unaccomplished work. Standout galleries include the impres- sive White Space Beijing (%8456 2054; 2 Jiuxianqiao Lu; hnoon-6pm Tue-Sun), 798 Red Gate Gallery (%6438 1005; 2 Jiuxianqiao Lu) – with its utilitarian and industrial am- bience – and the vast 798 Space (798 Shítài Kōngjiān; %6438 4862; www.798space .com; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu h10.30am-7.30pm). 3818 Cool Gallery (3818 Kù; %8688 2525; www.3818coolgallery.com; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu; h10.30am-6.30pm Tue-Sun) contains sev- eral galleries with forward-thinking artworks and a handy café. Singaporean-owned China Art Seasons (Běijīng Jìjié; %6431 1900; www .artseasons.com.sg; h11am-7pm Tue-Sun) is a huge warehouse space for modern works from East Asian artists. Supported by the Japan Foundation, Beijing Tokyo Art Projects (Běijīng Dōngjīng Yìshù Gōngchéng; %8457 3245; www.tokyo-gallery.com; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu) is a huge space exhibiting conceptual art. Also worth looking into are Long March Space (www.longmarchspace.com) and Long March Space B, where paintings, photos, installations and videos get a viewing, and the well- known Chinese Contemporary Beijing (Zhōngguó Dāngdài; %8456 2421; www.chinese contemporary.com; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu; h11am-7pm). Independent cinema gets an airing at the third-floor Hart Center of Arts (Hātè Shālóng; %6435 3570; www.hart.com.cn; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu; h10.30am-7pm Tue-Sun). 798 Photo Gallery (Bǎinián Yìnxiàng; %6438 1784; www.798photogallery.cn; 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu) has a collection of intriguing prints for sale from the Cultural Revolution, and rotat- ing exhibitions of fascinating photography. For funky retro clothing with a dashing mod- ern twist, check out Fengling (Fēnglíng Fúshì) near White Space Beijing; a further branch exists on the second floor of the 3.3 Shop- ping Centre (p166). First Sound Gallery (%6477 5195; 2 Jiuxianqiao Lu) is a tranquil and relax- ing space caressed with soft music. The graceful 17-arch bridge spans 150m to South Lake Island (Nánhú Dǎo) from the eastern shore of the lake. Cixi visited the island’s Dragon King Temple (Lóngwáng Miào) to be- seech the temple’s statue for rain in times of drought. You can traverse Kunming Lake by boat (Y8) from the island to the northern shore where idles Cixi’s marble boat, north of which survive some fine Qing boathouses. Set in a clean and engaging pocket of reproduction Qing architecture, the Wenchang Gallery (Wénchāng Yuàn; %6256 5886, ext 224; adult Y20; h8.30am-5pm) to the south of the entrance is a quiet escape from the hordes rampaging through the palace. The galleries comprise a porcelain exhibition, a jade gallery and an unusual selection of Qing artefacts (including some of Cixi’s calligraphy), plus some decent bronzes. In the north of the grounds is Suzhou Street (Sūzhōu Jiē), a fun diversion of riv- erside walkways, shops and eateries. Purchases are made with antique Chinese coins; exchange your renminbi at the top of the street. The Summer Palace is about 12km north- west of central Běijīng. Cycling (11⁄2 to two hours) from the centre of town is feasible and taking the road following the Beijing–Miyun Diversion Canal is pleasant. In summer, boats head along the canal, departing from the dock behind the Beijing Exhibition Center (Map pp260–1; %6823 2179, 6821 3366; one way/return Y45/75 including Summer Palace admission) near the zoo or from the dock behind the China Millennium Monument (p96). 798 ART DISTRICT Map pp258-9 Yìshù Xīnqū; 798 艺术新区 %6438 4862; 2 & 4 Jiuxianqiao Lu; admission free; hgalleries 10am-6pm (some galleries shut on Mondays), bars & bistros open longer; g403 or 909 A disused and converted electronics factory, 798 Art District is Běijīng’s leading concen- tration of contemporary art galleries. The industrial complex celebrates its proletarian roots in the communist heyday of the 1950s via retouched red Maoist slogans decorating gallery interiors, effigies of Mao and burly, lantern-jawed workers. 英國侵藏戰爭 英國侵藏戰爭 Younghusband-team-1904.jpg 榮赫鵬與英軍士兵在拉薩 日期： 第一次：1888年 第二次：1903年至1904年 地点： 西藏 結果： 英國戰勝 參戰方 Flag of the United Kingdom.svg 英國 China Qing Dynasty Flag 1862.png 中國 指揮官和领导者 第一次： 托马斯·格拉汉姆准将 第二次： 詹姆斯·麦克唐纳准将 榮赫鵬 第一次： 駐藏大臣文碩 噶倫伊喜洛布旺曲 第二次： 十三世達賴 戴琫拉丁色 戴琫朗色林 兵力 10000餘人 其中作戰人員3000餘人 約20000人 伤亡与损失 陣亡202人 非戰鬥減員613人 約數千人陣亡 英國侵藏戰爭是清代光緒年間英國軍隊由英属印度入侵中國西藏的戰爭。英國發動戰爭的直接目的是將錫金納入勢力範圍，並建立英屬印度与西藏之間的貿易與政治聯繫。戰爭共有兩次：第一次為光緒十四年（1888年），英軍佔領錫金，並攻入西藏的亞東等地，英國稱之為“遠征錫金”（Sikkim Expedition），又称隆吐山战役。停戰後，中國派駐藏大臣赴印度與英國簽訂了《中英藏印條約》和《中英藏印續約》，中國割讓西藏南部小片土地，並承認錫金為英國的保護國。第二次為光緒二十九年（1903年）英軍由錫金入侵西藏，次年（1904年）攻陷拉薩，脅迫噶倫等官員簽訂《拉薩條約》，駐藏大臣則拒絕簽署。英軍撤退後，中國派出修約代表，與英國簽訂《中英續訂藏印條約》，英國承諾不侵佔西藏，中國則保證不准其他國家侵佔西藏。 目录 1 背景 2 第一次戰爭 3 第二次戰爭 3.1 拉薩條約的簽訂 3.2 善後 3.3 中英續訂藏印條約 4 影響 5 纪念 6 相关文艺作品 7 注釋 8 參考文獻 背景 19世紀，英國發動多次戰爭，控制了尼泊爾、緬甸、哲孟雄（錫金）、布嚕克巴（不丹）等國家，對中國西南邊疆形成包圍之勢。為阻止外國勢力的滲透，西藏一直禁止西方人入境遊歷、探路。1875年马嘉理事件后，1876年9月13日，清朝李鸿章与英国公使威妥玛签订《烟台条约》和《入藏探路专条》，其中除赔款、谢罪之外，还允许英国人开辟印度与西藏间的交通。1885年，英國發動第三次英緬戰爭，滅亡緬甸貢榜王朝，緬甸成为英国殖民地。1886年，總理衙門大臣奕劻與英國公使歐格納簽訂《中英會議緬甸條款》，中國承認緬甸為英國屬地，英國則允許緬甸繼續向中國納貢，並同意暫緩派員進入西藏。 第一次戰爭 《伦敦画报》上的托马斯·格拉汉姆准将與英軍官兵 1884年，英国派出一支大约300人的武装侵入西藏，在干坝地方遭到藏民挡阻。1886年，英国又派出大批队伍集结在西藏亚东以南边境地区，西藏噶厦派藏军在热纳宗隆吐山建卡设防。 英国以藏军侵入錫金境内为借口，向清政府施压，要藏军限期撤除隆吐山卡，否则英军也会在当地驻扎。清政府怕西藏边境爆发战争，故一再退让，要求藏军撤卡并将藏军撤离。西藏噶厦对清政府的做法非常不满，清朝驻藏大臣文硕也认为热纳宗属中国领土，支持西藏抗英。 1888年3月20日（光緒十四年），英軍向駐紮在隆吐山的藏軍發動第一次進攻。守卫隆吐山的藏军手持土枪、刀、弓箭、矛等兵器反击，将英军击退。3月21日晨，英军再度发动进攻，遭藏军毙伤英军大约百余人。3月25日，英军又一次进攻，造成藏军较大伤亡。藏军撤至亚东帕里等地，隆吐山失守。 隆吐山失守后，清政府將主戰的駐藏大臣文碩撤職，命主和派大臣升泰出任驻藏帮办大臣，并派总税务司赫德（英国人）之弟赫政充任升泰的助手。但西藏噶厦仍下令僧俗1万多人赴前线，在6月到10月间与入侵的英军多次作战，试图收复隆吐山。升泰到西藏后，忠实执行清政府的妥协政策，命令藏军於帕里待命，不得反擊英軍。藏军虽英勇作战，但因武器装备落后，指挥失当，最终隆吐山之战失败。英军遂越过则里拉山口，深入西藏亞東的仁青崗、春丕谷等地。第一次英国侵藏战争结束。 战争结束之后，清政府派升泰赴亚东与英国方面会谈。1890年，升泰與英印官員在亞東簽訂《中英藏印條約》，承認哲孟雄（錫金）為英國保護國，開放亞東為商埠，英国在亚东享有治外法权。此后，1893年，清政府又与英国在印度大吉岭签订《中英藏印续约》（《中英藏印条款》），在西藏开亚东关通商，“听任英国诸色商民前往贸易”，英印政府可派员驻扎亚东关查看贸易，亚东关开关之后，五年内藏印贸易互免关税。自此，英国势力侵入西藏。 第二次戰爭 因受到西藏人民反对，上述各条约未能完全实施。1895年亲政的十三世达赖痛恨英国侵入西藏。在俄国拉拢下，十三世达赖逐步产生联合俄国对抗英国之想法。 1903年10月（光緒二十九年），為阻止俄國對西藏的滲透，英國決定再次武裝入侵西藏。英国向隆吐山以北地区调集3000人的兵力，在英印官員詹姆斯·麥克唐納准将和殖民地專員榮赫鵬率領下，向北进發。1903年12月12日，荣赫鹏率领一支装备精良的英军先头小分队偷越则里拉山口，很快占领帕里，强行入驻帕里宗政府，噶厦与后藏前去交涉的代表均被扣留。帕里民众手持大刀、木棒、镰刀闯入帕里宗政府，救出了代表。 1904年1月4日，英军占领堆纳。西藏噶厦随即派藏军代本拉丁、朗色林二人率领1000多名藏军，赶到堆纳至多庆一线展开布防，并且动员和调集了藏军其余各部及大量民兵赴前线。 1904年3月，麦克唐纳与荣赫鹏率1000多人准备进攻嘎吾一带。因获悉在堆纳、多庆间的曲美辛古以北纵深区域有藏军和民兵防守，故英军未敢进攻，而是提出举行谈判。 1904年3月31日，曲美辛古藏军前线指挥官拉丁代本、朗色林代本与荣赫鹏等英方代表谈判之时，英军秘密包围了藏军。荣赫鹏等人与拉丁、朗色林见面后称：“既然要议和，为表示诚意，我们先将子弹退出枪膛，也要求你们下令将火枪的点火绳熄灭！”荣赫鹏命令英军士兵将步枪退出一发子弹，但实际上士兵们随即推动枪栓将另一发子弹放入枪膛。藏军当时并不了解步枪的构造，误以为英军枪膛内已没有子弹，便按协议将火绳枪的点火绳全部熄灭。英方随后命令英军开火，而待命的藏军却无法打响火绳枪。英军从而使用枪炮对实际上没有武器可用的藏军展开大屠杀。仅仅数分钟内，英军即射杀藏军400余人，西藏谈判代表拉丁、朗色林等人也遭到杀害，被屠杀者的鲜血染红了曲美辛古泉水。这就是“曲美辛古大屠杀”。英军趁机攻占古鲁，追杀藏军数百人。1000多名藏军在曲美辛古阵亡。 英军攻占曲美辛古后，继续向北进攻。1904年4月11日，英军进逼江孜。英军抵达江孜不足1个月，藏军1万多人便聚集至江孜、日喀则及拉萨至江孜的大道上，准备展开江孜保卫战。 1904年5月初，英军300多人袭击位于通向浪卡子方向的卡惹拉的藏军阵地。当时，仅有100余名英军驻扎江孜。1904年5月3日夜，千余名藏军袭击帕拉村，将驻扎在此的英军几乎全歼，荣赫鹏险些丧生。因从卡惹拉返回的英军赶到，英军重新稳住阵脚。5月26日，英军增援部队自亚东赶到江孜，夺回帕拉村。 此时，西藏噶厦陆续调集藏军、僧兵、民兵共约16000人，增兵江孜方向。藏军总指挥噶伦宇妥·彭措班丹率一部兵力驻扎尼木之亚德；以藏军一部布防日喀则、仁布一线，以藏军一部布防浪卡子一带，作为第二道防线；以藏军代本敏林巴等人率民兵一部经浪卡子、热隆出康马，袭扰英军的后勤供应线。 1904年6月，藏军代本敏林巴率工布等地的民兵，进占江孜、少岗间的乃宁寺，威胁英军后勤补给线。工布民兵在康马、少岗之间设伏，歼灭二、三十名英军。1904年6月13日，麦克唐纳与荣赫鹏率援军增援江孜，在6月25日抵达康马宗的乃宁寺。乃宁寺处在江孜以南20公里处，为英军运输线的重要据点。为了截断英军补给，藏军在乃宁寺四周修筑了防御工事。英军分别从少岗和江洛两个地方出动，南、北夹击乃宁寺。英军用炮火轰破乃宁寺围墙、冲入寺内之后，民兵与英军展开肉搏。工布地区民兵首领阿达尼玛扎巴兄弟二人及康区民兵多朵布等人，用刀劈死英国军官则娜·色赫（旧译“杂尼萨海”），共歼敌120余名。阿达尼玛扎巴兄弟、多朵布及众多民兵阵亡。英军攻占乃宁寺之后，洗劫了寺内文物，纵火焚毁该寺。随后，英军攻占江孜西北的紫金寺，切断江孜与日喀则之间的联系。 英军攻占紫金寺之后，从东方、南方、西北方三面包围江孜。这时，十三世达赖派员至江孜同荣赫鹏会谈。荣赫鹏限藏军在7月5日撤出江孜，但遭到断然拒绝，英军遂在7月5日正午发动对江孜的总攻。 1904年7月5日到7月6日，英军步兵在炮兵支援下7次进攻江孜宗山，但均被藏军击退。坚守江孜宗山的近5000名藏族军民用土火枪、大刀、弓箭、抛石器与使用枪炮的英军作战。经3天抵抗，守卫江孜的藏军已到了弹尽粮绝的境地。7月7日，英军占领江孜宗山，西藏军民只有少部分人突围，其他人冲入英军之中展开肉搏战，坚持抗击到最后的数百名藏军全部跳崖身亡。英军攻占江孜宗山后，又攻占白居寺，随即占领整个江孜。1904年4月到7月，江孜保卫战持续约100天，是近代西藏抗击外国侵略历史上规模最大的战斗。 1904年7月14日，麦克唐纳率英军自江孜启程，开入拉萨。8月3日，英军占领拉萨。十三世達賴出走，經青海前往外蒙古土謝圖汗部庫倫（今蒙古國烏蘭巴托）。 拉薩條約的簽訂 英軍佔領拉薩後，榮赫鵬以其在江孜所擬的條款為大綱，提出九條和約草案，遞交給有泰。有泰則將其轉交噶廈辦理。1904年8月11日，噶廈轉遞答覆，稱英國應向西藏支付戰爭賠款，且只同意增開仁青崗一處商埠。此時已值秋季，西藏嚴酷的自然條件和氣候已不允許給養斷絕的英軍長期停留，英印政府確定於9月中旬撤軍。榮赫鵬通過有泰向噶廈施壓，聲稱倘若英人再次採取武力行動，則所提條件當更加苛刻。9月1日，有泰召集噶廈官員與榮赫鵬會談，榮赫鵬在會上宣讀事先擬好的條約文本，限令西藏方面在一個星期內簽署，並不得改動；如拖延一日，每日增加賠款5萬盧比。在榮赫鵬和有泰雙重壓力下，噶廈同意簽署條約，並提出將賠款期限由三年改為75年，每年支付10萬盧比。 1904年9月7日，噶廈、三大寺代表在布達拉宮與榮赫鵬簽署條約，史稱《拉薩條約》。榮赫鵬代表英國簽字，噶倫、甘丹寺、哲蚌寺、色拉寺住持和民眾大會首領代表西藏畫押、鈐印。甘丹赤巴羅桑嘉措在條約文本上鈐蓋了逹賴喇嘛之印。由于清廷多次電令不得批准该條約，駐藏大臣有泰沒有簽字。條約要點為： 在亞東之外，增開江孜、噶大克（在今噶爾縣）為商埠。 英國、西藏各派員於商埠居住；若英國欲齎送公文信函與藏官或駐藏華官，均須由在商埠居住之藏員接收轉送。 西藏向英國賠償軍費等計50萬鎊，合750萬銀盧比；自西曆1906年起每年繳納10萬盧比，分75年償清。 英國在春丕駐兵，直至賠款償清或商埠開通滿三年的最晚之日為止。 西藏允諾將自印度邊界至拉薩的炮臺、山寨一律削平，武備全行撤去。 除非先經英國同意，西藏土地不准出賣、轉讓、租賃給任何外國；西藏事務不准外國幹涉；外國不得派員或代理人進入西藏；西藏鐵路、道路、電線、礦產及其他利權，均不許外國及其國民享受，否則英國政府將享受與之相抵或相同之利權；西藏的財政收入、貨物、金銀錢幣皆不許給與外國抵押撥兌。 善後 《拉薩條約》簽訂後，英軍於1904年9月23日撤離拉薩。11月11日，印度總督批准《拉薩條約》，但對條約內容進行了修改： 賠款數額減為250萬盧比； 英軍對春丕谷的佔領期限改為初繳三年三期賠款之後； 去掉英國派駐江孜的官員有權進入拉薩的附款。 清廷對此做出回應，提出由中國中央財政一次性償付戰爭賠款，以示中國對西藏的主權；並派員與英國重新議約。 中英續訂藏印條約 1905年1月，清廷任命外務部侍郎唐紹儀為全權代表，率參贊張蔭棠、梁士詒及稅司韓德森、翻譯陳鑾赴印度議約。2月，唐紹儀抵達加爾各答，與英屬印度政府外事秘書費禮夏（S. M. Fraser）會談。唐紹儀要求英國承認中國對西藏的主權，而英國則聲稱中國對西藏只有宗主權。談判陷入僵局，唐紹儀遂離開印度返北京。9月，張蔭棠接替唐紹儀為全權代表，會談仍無進展。1906年4月（光緒三十二年三月），中英談判在北京繼續進行，英國全權代表為英國駐華公使薩道義（E. M. Satow）。因擔心俄國乘機向西藏滲透，英國做出妥協。4月27日（夏曆四月四日），唐紹儀與薩道義簽署《中英續訂藏印條約》（又稱《北京條約》）六款。條約要點為： 《拉薩條約》及其更訂文據作為本條約的附約，“彼此允認，切實遵守”； 英國政府允諾不侵佔藏境且不幹涉西藏一切政治，中國政府亦不准許其他國家侵佔西藏或干涉藏事； 《拉薩條約》第九款第四節所聲明之各項權利為中國獨享，其他國家及其國民不得享受；惟英國在與中國商定後，有權在各商埠鋪設連接到印度的電報線路； 1890年及1893年中、英簽訂有關西藏條約各款，如與本約及附約無違者，“概應確實施行”。 影響 英国通过两次侵藏战争，获得了在西藏的各种特权，为英国势力在西藏的扩张铺平了道路，同时给中国造成了非常严重的边疆危机。清政府虽无力同英国抗衡，但英国势力在西藏的扩张刺激了清政府迅速采取开发西藏的一系列措施，为西藏的社会发展打下基础，也影响了西藏噶厦同清政府之间的关系。 纪念 曲美辛古纪念碑：位于西藏自治区亚东县堆纳乡曲美辛古，2004年揭幕，纪念曲美辛古大屠杀的遇难者。 乃宁寺大血战英烈纪念碑：位于西藏自治区康马县南尼乡乃宁寺，2004年由西藏自治区人民政府立。 江孜宗山抗英遗址：位于西藏自治区江孜县，是原江孜宗的政府办公地点，也是第二次英国侵藏战争的重要战场，1961年被中华人民共和国国务院公布为第一批全国重点文物保护单位。 英雄广场：位于江孜宗山抗英遗址前，纪念在江孜宗山牺牲的抗英英雄们。 江孜宗山英雄纪念碑：位于英雄广场，纪念在江孜宗山牺牲的抗英英雄们。 清朝亚东海关遗址：位于西藏自治区亚东县，是原亚东关的旧址，2009年列为第五批西藏自治区文物保护单位。 相关文艺作品 红河谷（1996年），以第二次英国侵藏战争为故事背景的中国电影。 注釋 ^ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 1.13 1.14 1.15 1.16 1.17 1.18 英国两次武装入侵西藏 曾对藏军进行大屠杀，网易，2005-03-04 ^ 2.0 2.1 2.2 (二) 英国第二次侵藏战争，中国网，于2013-08-18查阅 ^ 百年沧桑“红河谷”，人民网，2004年10月22日 ^ 《拉薩條約》漢文本、英文本 ^ 此為條約第九款。 ^ 《中英續訂藏印條約》漢文本、英文本 參考文獻 《清史稿》，中華書局排印本 北京大學歷史系等，1963，《西藏地方歷史資料選輯》，北京：三聯書店 譚其驤等，1974，《中國歷史地圖集》，北京：中國地圖出版社 西藏研究編輯部編輯，1982，《清實錄藏族史料》，拉薩：西藏人民出版社 費正清、劉廣京編，中国社会科学院历史研究编译所译，1993，《剑桥中国晚清史》，北京：中国社会科学出版社 恰白·次旦平措、諾章·吳堅、平措次仁，2000，《西藏通史簡編》，北京：五洲傳播出版社 陳慶英、高淑芬主編，2003，《西藏通史》，鄭州：中州古籍出版社 车明怀，《简析江孜抗英斗争前后历任驻藏大臣的心态》，載於《中國藏學》2004年第4期 CONVENTION BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENTS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND TIBET, 1904