Showing posts with label Hof Saale. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Hof Saale. Show all posts

Remaining Nazi Sites in Upper Franconia

Coburg 
A year before Hitler was appointed chancellor, the spitaltor already sported this swastika. Coburg was the first German town to elect a Nazi mayor; in 1929, it was the first German city in which the Nazi Party won the absolute majority of the popular votes during municipal elections, hence its town slogan- Erste nationalsozialistische Stadt Deutschlands  (First German National Socialist City ) Before this in 1922, Coburg became associated with the Nazis after Adolf Hitler led several hundred stormtroopers in a march through the city, fighting pitched street battles with leftists and communists. During the Nazi era, the Coburg Badge (made to honour the participants) was one of the most prestigious party medals.
Hitler’s most notable propaganda success in 1922 was his party’s participation in the so-called ‘German Day’ (Deutscher Tag) in Coburg on 14–15 October. Coburg, on the Thuringian border in the north of Upper Franconia and part of Bavaria for only two years, was virgin territory for the Nazis. He saw the German Day as an opportunity not to be missed. He scraped together what funds the NSDAP had to hire a special train – in itself a novel propaganda stunt – to take 800 stormtroopers to Coburg. The SA men were instructed by Hitler to ignore explicit police orders, banning a formation march with unfurled banners and musical accompaniment, and marched with hoisted swastika flags through the town. Workers lining the streets insulted them and spat at them. Nazis in turn leapt out of the ranks beating their tormentors with sticks and rubber- truncheons. A furious battle with the socialists ensued. After ten minutes of mayhem, in which they had police support, the stormtroopers triumphantly claimed the streets of Coburg as theirs. For Hitler, the propaganda victory was what counted. The German Day in Coburg went down in the party’s annals. The NSDAP had made its mark in northern Bavaria. 
Kershaw, Hitler
In fact, the rathaus in Coburg was the first official building in Germany to fly the Nazi flag on 18 January 1931. It was here in this marketplace that Hitler spoke before 10,000 people, including 1,300 holders of the Golden Party Badge during which he declared "With Coburg I made politics:"
At that time, our recipe was: if you do not want to let [us] talk of your own accord, we will use force to make you do it. [—] That battle of the force of reason versus the democracy of force lasted for two days, and after two days this reason, supported by the will of a thousand German men, came away with the victory! It was thus that the battle for this city became a milestone in the evolution of our Movement. This was the recipe we used throughout the Reich to clear the way for the National Socialist idea and thus to conquer Germany. [—]
Loyalty and obedience, discipline and self-sacrifice: if the German Volk continues to devote itself to these ideals in the future as well, it will solve every problem and master every task!
Back then, millions might still have been able to doubt; yet who can continue today to doubt his Volk, Germany and its future? We old fighters, we know that we have always reached our goal until now! And in the future, Germany will reach its life-goal, too, for our Movement is Germany, and Germany is the National Socialist Movement!
Overall, Hitler visited Coburg fourteen times.
Coburg fortress from page 28 of the cigarette album Kampf ums Dritte Reich - Eine historische Bilderfolge (1933) and today. Hitler visited the fortress in 1922 during the "German Day" celebration where the SA beat up their opponents. He returned again to Coburg a decade after where, on October 15, he was given the freedom of the city.
The Ortsgruppenfeier Coburg in its column of "Alten Kämpfer" down Adolf-Hitler-Straße (now Bahnhofstraße) towards Sonneberg; the view today is further down.
The Altes Schützenhaus on Schützenstraße where, on 15 October 1937 Hitler arrived from the Obersalzberg for the last time to "dear old Coburg" for the 15th Anniversary of his "train to Coburg"in which
[t]he most high-profile operation for the SA came in October 1922 when Hitler and his most loyal supporters travelled to Coburg to hold a meeting. Upon arrival at the town’s station, the visit developed into a military campaign. It came as close as civilian life could to recapturing the ‘Fronterlebnis’ (the experience of fighting at the Front). 
There was a deputation of the big-wigs in Koburg [sic] awaiting us at the station, all very solemn and proper in frock coats and top hats. But they got the shock of their lives, I can tell you, when they saw what sort of ‘accompaniment’ Herr Hitler had brought along. I was close up to them, there on the platform, and heard what they said to him.
We must earnestly beg you to control your following! The city of Koburg explicitly forbids these men to march through the streets in rank and file with flags flying. It would be highly provocative of disorder. Our Leader was a bit astonished at this and asked for explanations. What sort of trouble, then, did they expect? They said there’s been a bit of a misunderstanding in the City over the organisation of the festival and its promoters had had to give a strict guarantee that nothing would be done in the least likely to provoke the Communists. Hitler received this with undisguised scorn. What kind of ‘patriotic’ day did they suppose could be held if the Communists were to have it all their own way! ‘Good Lord)!’ he said, ‘aren’t we in Bavaria? Haven’t we the right to move about as we like?’ Whereupon he turned sharply round, much to the discomfiture of the deputation, and gave us the word to move off. We of the 3rd Company [of the SA] marched two by two into the town on both sides of the band, and sure enough soon encountered storms of abuse from the crowds on route. Hitler led and we followed. At the fire station they were ready to turn the hoses on to us, but just didn’t – at the critical moment. Stones, however, began to fly around. Then things got hotter. The Reds set upon us with iron rods and cudgels. That was going a bit too far. Hitler swung round, flourished his walking-stick (that was the signal), and we flung ourselves upon our assailants. We were unarmed save for our fists, but we put up so good a fight that within fifteen minutes not a Red was left to be seen. So we arrived finally at the place in the centre of the city where the meeting was to be held. When it was over we formed up to betake ourselves to the Schützenhalle, a big hall on the outskirts of Koburg where we were to spend the night. On the way the former racket got up again. Hitler decided once and for all to lay this Red menace here, and gave us the word of command. We counter-attacked for all we knew. It was jolly hard work, I can tell you! They rained tiles on us from the roof and windows and tore up the cobble stones for missiles. I got a thundering blow on the head which had to be attended to before I could carry on. I only found out afterwards how serious the wound was. We reached the Schützenhalle and dossed down, without undressing, on a thin spreading of straw. Hitler turned in amongst us, on the floor like the rest. But first he set the watches, and arranged for patrols. He came in quite the old soldier over this, anxious to provide against possible surprise. I was detailed, with another man, for patrol work. Our watch began at 2 a.m. We cast around a bit at some distance from the hall and found ourselves creeping through a spinney in its neighbourhood. We caught a glitter – made cautiously in that direction. Detected two of the enemy with their party- masks off. One of them had a revolver in his belt, the other carried hand- grenades.
‘So they’d try that dirty trick’, I thought, and rage seized me at the thought of that whole barnful of sleeping men being suddenly blown sky-high into the night. At a concerted signal my comrade and I flung ourselves upon the pair, and for the next few seconds there was a beserker struggle in the underbush. We got them under, and unarmed them. We tied them up good and tight and went through their pockets. There were a few ‘egg bombs’ to be sequestered in the latter. Then we marched them into quarters. I could hardly stand, myself; the blood was pouring from the wound in my head, and blinding my eyes. I turned the precious pair over to Hitler and showed him the bombs. He looked ugly at that, but made no further sign. Quietly he ordered the captives to be taken to a room at the back, beckoned to a hefty couple of our chaps, furnished them with a stout stick apiece, and signed to them to get busy within. Some time afterwards the two would-be bomb throwers were seen to leave our camp, very much sadder and very much wiser men. It is to be doubted if they’ll forget the whalloping and basting they got that night to the last day of their lives. On the Sunday morning we all took an oath of fidelity to the Cause, and then marched off to have a look at the Castle Koburg. 
Heinz A. Heinz (pp. 151 ff.) Germany’s Hitler
 
Children giving the Hitler greeting in 1936 in the marktplatz
 
Adolf-Hitler-Haus on the corner of Viktoriastraße and Ernstplatz in its glory, after being bombed, and the site today- a Sparkasse. The building had been bought by the Nazi Party in October 1933 for 60,000 Reichsmarks and rebuilt according to plans by Reinhard Claassen, named after Hitler the following year and serving as the local Nazi party headquarters. It was modelled on the Brown House of the NSDAP in Munich. During the Battle of Coburg in April 1945 the building was destroyed and eventually demolished in 1955.
 
The Landsmannschaft Denkmal in the Hofgarten then and now
Curt Riess, writing in 1944 before the end of the war, described him as follows:
And the head of the German Red Cross, the Duke of Coburg-Gotha, one of the most violent Nazis, has excellent connections abroad—so excellent, in fact, that when he visited Washington in 1940, when the Germans there were already being boycotted, for the rape of Poland had aroused public opinion against them—he cut quite a figure in Washington society. The Nazis are counting on the duke’s international relations to help them after the war. With him at its head the German Red Cross, they believe, will be able to survive in its present form, since the Allies, or so they fondly hope, will look upon him as a Red Cross official rather than as a Nazi. Thus the German Red Cross would form an ideal front for the coming Nazi underground. 
 
The coat of arms was replaced during the Nazi-era, lasting 1934-1945 before reverting back 
 
Another change was when Mohrenstraße was replaced by Straße der SA. The latter made a return briefly for a documentary, as did the Nazi-era arms. The old enamelled street sign was borrowed from the Coburg collection and attached with the approval of the public affairs office for a short time.


Crews of U.S. M5 Stuart light tanks from Company D, 761st Tank Battalion, a segregated Black-American unit, cleaning out scattered Nazi machine gun nests in the marktplatz in front of the Stadthaus and Prinz-Albert statue.
Coburg has named recently named a street after Max Brose, a wealthy businessman who was also a Nazi party member honoured by the Third Reich as a "military industry leader," a move which follows a long campaign in local government by Brose's grandson, Michael Stoschek, who is also the CEO of Brose's mega-company and largest local employer, Brose. The name was passed in a 26-11 vote.  Stoschek had been campaigning since 2004 to have his grandfather honoured on a street sign, and stopped almost all of the company's charitable funding to Coburg when the name was rejected nearly ten years ago. Nevertheless Coburg has denied being put under financial pressure in accepting the name. As historian Florian Dierl noted to the Times, Coburg was the first town in Germany to elect a Nazi mayor in 1931, and warned that it should, if anything, be "particularly careful about its past." Josef Schuster, president of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, condemned the naming as "irresponsible." 

Wunsiedel
 In the late 1980s, the cemetery of Wunsiedel became rather infamous after Adolf Hitler's deputy Rudolf Hess, who had died in a Berlin prison on 17 August 1987, was buried there. In the years that followed, neo-nazi groups organized memorial marches on each 17 August. The number of participants rose from 120 in 1988 to more than 1,100 in 1990. The gatherings faced protests from anti-fascist groups. Neo-Nazi marches were banned in 1991.  Under the impression that the situation had "cooled down", the Bavarian Administrative Court permitted the gatherings again in 2001. The result was unexpected: neo-nazi groups managed to amass more and more people, the peak being reached in 2004, when over 4,500 participants from all over Europe assembled in Wunsiedel. The anti-fascist initiative "Wunsiedel ist bunt, nicht braun" ("Wunsiedel is colourful, not brown") organised a counter-demonstration with about 800 participants, decorating the city with rainbow flags and spraying the marchers with confetti. The initiative later received the Bündnispreis for commitment and bravery awarded by the German federal ministers Otto Schily and Brigitte Zypries
Rudolf Hess's former grave in Wunsiedel. In the same cemetery are the individual and multiple graves of thirty Jewish concentration camp victims who lost their lives during a death march in the last days of the Second World War in 1945. Both the gravesite at Kath. Kirche u. Friedhof and the town itself had been the focus of attention for fascists and anti-fascists alike leading in 2005 to the memorial march being banned for the first time on the basis of article 130 of the German criminal code, which outlaws incitement of the people. A complaint against the ban was rejected by the Federal Constitutional Court. Nevertheless, more than 2,500 people met on August 20, 2005, to celebrate a Day of Democracy in Wunsiedel.
The remains of Rudolph Hess,  have now been exhumed after officials removed the tomb and headstone in order to prevent hoards of neo-Nazi pilgrims descending on the small community. Every year on August 17 hundreds of Nazi sympathisers commemorate the death of Hess. After being exhumed Hess's bones were taken to a crematorium, and his ashes scattered at sea. The action was taken after consultation with his remaining family. Karl-Willi Beck, 56, who has been mayor of Wunsiedel since 2002, said the cemetery administrators removed Hess’s remains and his gravestone early Wednesday. “It was the right thing to do,” Mr. Beck said.
 
The town's Koppetentor itself is well-preserved

As is the Brunnenbuberl and the memorial to writer Jean Paul (Johann Paul Friedrich Richter)

Hiltpoltstein
From page 15 of Adolf Hitler, Bilder aus dem Leben des Führers and looking at the town from the same angle today with the church and schloss in the background.
Hitler with his adjutants Wilhelm Brückner and Julius Schaub in 1936 from page 10 of Adolf Hitler, Bilder aus dem Leben des Führers in front of the war memorial between Hilpoltstein and Kappel and the site today.

Bayreuth
 Being a stronghold of right-wing parties since the 1920s, Bayreuth became a centre of Nazi ideology. In 1933 it was made capital of the Nazi Gau of Bavarian Ostmark (Bayerische Ostmark, in 1943 Gau Bayreuth). Nazi leaders often visited the Wagner festival and tried to turn Bayreuth into a Nazi model town. It was one of several places in which town planning was administered directly from Berlin, due to Hitler's special interest in the town and in the festival. Hitler loved the music of Richard Wagner, and he became a close friend of Winifred Wagner after she took over the festival. Hitler frequently attended Wagner performances in the Bayreuth Festival Hall.  
 
Hitler at the Festspielhaus 
 The Haus der Deutschen Erziehung (House of German Education) and its current incarnation. Bayreuth was intended to have received a so-called Gauforum, a combined government building and marching square built to symbolise the centre of power in the town. Bayreuth's first Gauleiter was Hans Schemm, who was also the head (Reichswalter) of the National Socialist Teachers League, NSLB, which was located in Bayreuth. In 1937 the town was connected to the new Reichsautobahn. 
 The fresco on the Rotmainhalle, built in 1935, is from the prominent artist during the NS-zeit Oskar Martin-Amorbach.
Restaurant Eule, Siegfried Wagner’s favourite restaurant, which Hitler visited during the 1925 Bayreuther Festspiele.
Under Nazi dictatorship the synagogue of the Jewish Community in Münzgasse was desecrated and looted on Kristallnacht but, due to its proximity to the Opera House it was not razed. Inside the building, which is once again used by a Jewish community as a synagogue, a plaque next to the Torah Shrine recalls the persecution and murder of Jews in the Holocaust, which took the lives of at least 145 Jews in Bayreuth.  During the Second World War, a subcamp of the Flossenbürg concentration camp was based in the town,[9] in which prisoners had to participate in physical experiments for the V-2. Wieland Wagner, the grandson of the composer, Richard Wagner, was the deputy civilian director there from September 1944 to April 1945. Shortly before the war's end branches of the People's Court (Volksgerichtshof) were to have been set up in Bayreuth.  On 5, 8 and 11 April 1945 about one third of the town, including many public buildings and industrial installations were destroyed by heavy air strikes, along with 4,500 houses. 741 people were also killed. On 14 April, the U.S. Army occupied the town.

Behringersmühle  
 
The Gasthof Zur Behringersmühle where Hitler is shown visiting in 1931, after the war and today.
Bad Berneck 
 13 km northeast of Bayreuth is Bad Berneck im Fichtelgebirge. Here is Adolf Hitlerplatz with the schlossturm then and today
The Hotel Bube in Bad Berneck where Hitler would stay during his pilgrimages to Bayreuth hasn't changed at all.
 After 1933, other long-established festivals, carnivals and fairs in Germany  were similarly transformed into events that openly celebrated the Nazi regime. Their host cities in turn often became loci of Nazi tourist culture. Bayreuth is a good example. Its annual Wagner Festival welcomed Hitler and his entourage every summer; by 1933, the Manchester Guardian was reporting that the event now resembled a ‘Hitler Festival’. During the rest of the year, even when the Festspielhaus sat empty, it attracted Hitler devotees as well as Wagner fans. Tourist material lauded Hitler’s special affection for the town and its operas. Postcards even depicted the Hotel Bube in Bad Berneck, just north of Bayreuth, where he stayed during the festival every year.
Semmens (65) Seeing Hitler’s Germany
Bad Staffelstein am Main

Horst Wessel Platz and today

Kulmbach



The flags outside the rathaus have all been changed since. It was here in Kulmbach on February 5 1928 that Hitler gave a speech declaring that

The idea of struggle is as old as life itself, for life is only preserved because other living things perish through struggle. ... In this straggle, the stronger, the more able, win, while the less able, the weak, lose. Struggle is the father of all things. ... It is not by the principles of humanity that man lives or is able to preserve himself above the animal world, but solely by means of the most brutal struggle. ... If you do not fight for life, then life will never be won.


 Hitlerjugend in the main square with Plassenburg castle in the background and marching down a road.  In 1933, the NSDAP seized power in Kulmbach and the Imperial School of German Technology (Reichsschule der deutschen Technik) was established in the castle. As a result, Kulmbach was even given an additional motorway junction which is now the start of today's A 70 autobahn.  

The Holzmarkt with the Siegfriedsäule (now moved) in front of the shoe shop owned by the Jewish Mitbürger family.
At Spitalgaße 2 was the "Damen- und  Herrenkonfektions" owned by Franz Weiß and his son-in-law Georg before being 'aryanised.' 
The town swimming pool, opened amidst swastikas in 1934
Hof Saale


 Theresienstein, located north-east of Hof an der Saale, flying the Nazi flag and today which dates from 1816 as one the oldest German citizens' parks and named after Queen Therese Charlotte, the wife of King Ludwig I of Bavaria. 
In 1927 a synagogue was erected on the Hallplatz near the old railway station, later to be completely destroyed at the November 1938 pogrom and its inventory burned. This pogrom in Hof began in the early morning hours of November 10 in which the chief officers of the district police officers, the ϟϟ and SA were involved. In addition to the synagogue, retailers and private apartments were the target of the attacks. Of the 80 Jews living in Hof, twelve were arrested. By 1939 only seven Jewish remained. After the Second World War none returned, but some 1, 400 Jews ended up stranded within the Moschendorf camp in Hof. It wasn't until 1998 that a former school building in Moschendorf was acquired as a community centre and established as a new synagogue the following year.
 In 1945, Hof suffered minor destruction due to aerial attacks. From September 3, 1944 to April 14, 1945, an external subcamp of the Flossenbürg concentration camp existed in the village of Hof-Moschendorf, whose 100 detainees had to perform forced labour for the ϟϟ Hauptzeugamt.  The troops of the US Army occupied the city on April 15, 1945 on their advance to Eger and West Bohemia. Hof belonged to the American occupation zone until 1955.

Hohenberg an der Eger
From 1936, Castle Hohenberg belonged to the National Socialist Teachers' Association and was a school camp- NSLB Schulungsburg. At the end of World War II in April 1945, some towers, and one-third of the village fell victim to the attack American troops, as SS troops defended the town. 1951 began a gradual reconstruction by the Bavarian state.

Naila 

Adolf Hitler Straße in 1939, now Bergstrasse

Bamberg
 
Bamberg during the Third Reich in 1936 and the wife in front of the altes rathaus today. It was at the party conference held in Bamberg in 1926 that Hitler set about reunifying a party left fragmented by his time in gaol and organising personal meetings with senior party members from around the country.
[Hitler] summoned about sixty party leaders to a meeting on 14 February 1926 at Bamberg, in Upper Franconia. There was no agenda. Hitler, it was stated, simply wanted to discuss some ‘important questions’. He spoke for two hours. He addressed in the main the issue of foreign policy and future alliances. His position was wholly opposed to that of the Working Community. Alliances were never ideal, he said, but always ‘purely a matter of political business’. Britain and Italy, both distancing themselves from Germany’s arch-enemy France, offered the best potential. Any thought of an alliance with Russia could be ruled out. It would mean ‘the immediate political bolshevisation of Germany’, and with it ‘national suicide’. Germany’s future could be secured solely by acquiring land, by eastern colonisation as in the Middle Ages, by a colonial policy not overseas but in Europe. On the question of the expropriation of German princes without compensation (a proposal by the Left, but supported by north German Nazi leaders), Hitler again ruled out the position of the Working Community. ‘For us there are today no princes, only Germans,’ he declared. ‘We stand on the basis of the law, and will not give a Jewish system of exploitation a legal pretext for the complete plundering of our people.’ Such a rhetorical slant could not conceal the outright rejection of the views of the northern leaders. Finally, Hitler repeated his insistence that religious problems had no part to play in the National Socialist Movement.

Goebbels was appalled. ‘I feel devastated. What sort of Hitler? A reactionary? Amazingly clumsy and uncertain ... Probably one of the greatest disappointments of my life. I no longer believe fully in Hitler. That’s the terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away.’
 Raulinohaus,  Grüner Markt 14
Hitler had reasserted his authority. The potential threat from the Working Community had evaporated. Despite some initial signs of defiance, the fate of the Community had been sealed at Bamberg. Gregor Strasser promised Hitler to collect all copies of the draft programme he had distributed, and wrote to members of the Community on 5 March asking for them to be returned. The Community now petered out into non-existence. On 1 July 1926, Hitler signed a directive stating that ‘since the NSDAP represents a large working community, there is no justification for smaller working communities as a combination of individual Gaue’. By that time, Strasser’s Working Community of northern and western Gauleiter was finished. With it went the last obstacle to the complete establishment of Hitler’s supreme mastery over the party.

Hitler was shrewd enough to be generous after his Bamberg triumph. By September, Strasser himself had been called to the Reich Leadership as Propaganda Leader of the party, while Franz Pfeffer von Salomon (Gauleiter of Westphalia, a former army officer who had subsequently joined the Freikorps, participated in the Kapp Putsch, and been active in opposition to the French in the Ruhr) was appointed head of the SA. Most important of all, the impressionable Goebbels was openly courted by Hitler and completely won over....
The Bamberg meeting had been a milestone in the development of the NSDAP. The Working Community had neither wanted nor attempted a rebellion against Hitler’s leadership. But once Strasser had composed his draft programme, a clash was inevitable. Was the party to be subordinated to a programme, or to its leader? The Bamberg meeting decided what National Socialism was to mean. It was not to mean a party torn, as the völkisch movement had been in 1924, over points of dogma. The Twenty-Five-Point Programme of 1920 was therefore regarded as sufficient. ‘It stays as it is,’ Hitler was reported as saying. ‘The New Testament is also full of contradictions, but that hasn’t prevented the spread of Christianity.’ Its symbolic significance, not any practical feasibility was what mattered. Any more precise policy statement would not merely have produced continuing inner dissension. It would have bound Hitler himself to the programme, subordinated him to abstract tenets of doctrine that were open to dispute and alteration. As it was, his position as Leader over the movement was now inviolable.
At Bamberg, too, an important ideological issue – the anti-Russian thrust of foreign policy – had been reaffirmed. The alternative approach of the northern group had been rejected. The ‘idea’ and the Leader were coming to be inseparable. But the ‘idea’ amounted to a set of distant goals, a mission for the future. The only way to it was through the attainment of power. For that, maximum flexibility was needed. No ideological or organisational disputes should in future be allowed to divert from the path. Fanatical willpower, converted into organised mass force, was what was required. That demanded freedom of action for the Leader; and total obedience from the following. What emerged in the aftermath of Bamberg was, therefore, the growth of a new type of political organisation: one subjected to the will of the Leader, who stood over and above the party, the embodiment in his own person of the ‘idea’ of National Socialism.

Kershaw (169-171) Hitler
 

In front of a memorial to Claus von Stauffenberg on the anniversary of the so-called July plot to assassin Hitler on July 20, 1944 in Operation Valkyrie.  within the enclosed bridge leading to the rathaus. Stauffenberg had a relationship to Bamberg. In 1926, he joined the family's traditional regiment, the Bamberger Reiter- und Kavallerieregiment 17 (17th Cavalry Regiment) in Bamberg.  Stauffenberg married Nina Freiin von Lerchenfeld on 26 September 1933 in Bamberg.






The wife in front of the Portal des Böttingerhauses and as it appeared during the Third Reich

Lichtenfels
The Altes Volksschulgebäude on Adolf-Hitler-Strasse then and now

Pegnitz 
 
Local district assembly of the NSDAP in 1939 in the market square.

Münchberg 
 
This was built in the mid 1930s to honour the war dead of the Great War. The Nazi eagle has long since been removed.

Gefrees
 Adolf-Hitler-Strasse then and now

Burgkunstadt
Adolf Hitler Straße and today, renamed Kulmbacher Straße. Hitler's success in power also led to far-reaching political and social changes in Burgkunstadt. One of the first was the appointment of the dentist and NSDAP politician Leo Feuersinger as mayor and the exchange of the city council by a "municipal order" of ten NSDAP parliamentarians.  As part of the Jewish boycott on 1 April 1933, some Jewish-owned shops were plundered and destroyed. In the following years, as in Germany, the Jews were suppressed and harassed as often as possible in Burgkunstadt. Through the anti-Jewish legislation several Jewish enterprises had to close, others were barred or expropriated. The majority of the inhabitants of St. Joseph's Institution were affected by the law for the prevention of offspring, who were kept in closed institutions from July onwards. A high wire fence was erected around the property. In the Reichskristallnacht from the 9th to the 10th of November 1938, the synagogue was plundered and devastated in the suburbs. "For traffic reasons" the synagogue was completely removed by the end of the year and replaced by a green area.  
In contrast to the Franco-Prussian war and the First World War, the enthusiasm of the local population to the war was limited, and only occurred with absolutely convinced national socialists. "Within the framework of the civil aviation measures" all schools in the district of Lichtenfels remained closed between 1 and 11 September.  The first flight bombs fell by English aircraft in the night from the 27th to the 28th of August 1940 northwest of the St. Josephs-Anstalt.  The St. Josephs-Anstalt was completely cleared in the spring of 1941. Many inhabitants were murdered in other homes and psychiatries; only a few were released home. The institution was converted into a National Social NGO for mother and child.   
The town synagogue in 1935
On April 24, 1942, the last twelve Burgkunstadte Jews, including the five-year-old Hans-Peter Steinbock, came first to Bamberg and the next day via Nuremberg to Krasnyzin. Up until April 28th, they were taken to the Majdanek concentration camp in Eastern Poland. In the following days most of them were transported to the extermination camps Belzec and Sobibor, where they were murdered in the gas chambers in the summer of 1942. This action ended the 700 year history of the Jewish community in Burgkunstadt.  As more and more workers from the local shoe factories were forced to go to the front, the jobs were occupied by belligerent Russians, Lithuanians, Poles, French and Vlasslow soldiers.  From March 1945 the refugee flows from Eastern European countries also began to accumulate. In addition to this, more and more unarmed, dilapidated soldiers came. This made it increasingly clear that the war was about to end. In the course of the Nerobefehl, all the main bridges were blown up on the 10th of April. The Lichtenfels Tagblatt appeared last time on 10 April, the stream fell from the 11th of April, so that one could not listen to any radio and was cut off from the outside world. In addition to this circumstance, the poor food supply led to numerous looting at this time.  On April 12, 1945 the American Panzerspitze reached Horb, whereupon Burgkunstadt surrendered on the same evening. There was only a single group of soldiers who were able to be expelled by the Burgkunstadter population. In the days and weeks that followed, most of the East workers, Vlasov soldiers and the evacuees also made their way home from German cities. On 8 May at 23:01, barely four weeks after the surrender of the town, the Second World War ended by the unconditional capitulation of the Wehrmacht. Including the new citizens (refugees, displaced persons, etc.), 242 Burgkunstadter soldiers died on the fronts. Many more were missing. Of the Jews born or staying in Burgkunstadt, 84 died in the labour camps and extermination camps.